Cultural Nationalism: Difference between revisions

=== [[File:PrusSoc.png]] Spenglerism ===

'''Spenglerism''' is a revolutionary conservative philosophy of Oswald Spengler. It rejected both liberalism and marxism as Spengler had considered them to be both based on the english spirit which was opposed to the german spirit. Spengler advocated that both [[File:Revolutionary_Conservatism.png]] german conservatives and german (non-communist) socialist must cooperate against the weimar republic. Spengler also advocated for a new system which can be summarized as a socialist-corporatist nationalist-militarist state under an authoritarian Prussian monarchy.

==== Cultures and Civilizations ====

Spengler's historical philosophy is based on two ideas: first, that human history is shaped by large social entities called "Cultures," each with its own unique characteristics; and second, that the evolution of these Cultures resembles the life cycle of living beings.

He identified nine Cultures, including Ancient Egyptian, Babylonian, Indian, Chinese, and Western (or "Faustian"). According to Spengler, each Culture has its own distinct identity and develops in stages like a person's life, from childhood to old age. When a Culture reaches its later stages, it becomes a "Civilization," marked by technology and mass society. Spengler believed that human history is not linear but consists of the interactions between these Cultures, each with its own unique worldview and destiny. He saw modern society as a "Civilization" in decline, characterized by technology and imperialism.

Although Spengler's ideas were criticized for being obscure and mystical, they influenced later thinkers like Eduard Meyer and Ludwig Wittgenstein. His work laid the foundation for social cycle theory, which explores the recurring patterns in human history.

==== Pseudomorphosis ====

Spengler talks about pseudomorphosis, a concept borrowed from mineralogy, to describe when a young culture can't fully develop because it's stuck in the mold of an older one. This leads to resentment and hatred towards the older culture.

He believed this happened with the Arabian culture after it lost to Rome at the Battle of Actium, and later with Russia under Peter the Great, who forced Western European norms onto Russia. Spengler thought this hindered Russia's cultural growth, leading to resentment towards Europe. He predicted a new culture emerging in Russia, hinted at by authors like Tolstoy and Dostoyevsky.

==== Becoming and Being ====

For Spengler, change is fundamental, not stability. He believed that life and growth are where divine influence is found, not in permanence. Spengler's philosophy can be summed up by lines from Goethe, emphasizing the importance of embracing change and growth to understand the divine.

==== Blood and Race ====

Spengler believed that blood, or life-force, was the only force strong enough to challenge and overthrow money, which he saw as the dominant power of his time. When he spoke of blood, he didn't mean ethnicity, but rather the unity of people in their outlook and purpose. He saw the struggle against money as not just about capitalism versus socialism, but about creating a powerful societal order based on duty and thoughtfulness. Spengler emphasized that life itself, the force of existence, is what ultimately triumphs over money and any artificial constructs of the mind.

==== Democracy, Media and Money ====

Spengler argued that democracy serves the interests of money, with the media acting as its tool to operate within democratic systems. He saw democracy and plutocracy as interchangeable, viewing principles like equality and freedom as disguises for class struggle. To him, freedom meant rejecting tradition, and he believed that the press and elections ultimately served money's interests, regardless of ideological rhetoric. In Spengler's view, money had already triumphed through democracy, but its dominance would pave the way for the emergence of a powerful leader he called the Caesar. This leader would render money less influential, leading to the decline of money-dominated politics.

He noted that constitutional rights and voting required money, and when elections were controlled by political leaders, money determined their significance. Spengler saw this concentration of wealth as a natural consequence of mature democracies, not as corruption. Regarding the media, Spengler criticized its bombardment of information and its role in shaping public opinion to serve money's interests. He believed universal education fueled the demand for media control, ultimately leading to the rise of authoritarian leaders. He argued that only a force like blood, not Marxist critiques, could counter the power of money.

==== Prussian Socialism ====

Spengler argued that Germany, particularly Prussia, possessed socialist traits like creativity, discipline, concern for the common good, productivity, and self-sacrifice. He saw socialism as a system where achievement and talent, not wealth, determine one's rank in society, freeing individuals from economic tyranny.

He urged Germans to embrace Prussian socialism to break free from foreign governance, advocating for a socialism based on German values rather than Marxist ideology. Spengler contrasted English capitalism with Prussian socialism, highlighting the latter's emphasis on hierarchy and obedience rather than wealth accumulation. He praised historical figures like Frederick William I and Otto von Bismarck for embodying Prussian socialism through their emphasis on military discipline and social policies that complemented conservatism.

Spengler criticized Marxism for misunderstanding German socialism and adopting British ideas. He believed that Marxism aimed to have the working class seize wealth from capitalists to live a life of ease, calling it "the capitalism of the working class."

Instead, Spengler argued for a "true socialism" rooted in German values, where ownership wouldn't be forcibly taken but managed differently. He advocated for a system where ownership remains, but control shifts to public administration while preserving individual initiative and responsibility. This, he believed, would lead to a gradual transformation of workers and employers into economic functionaries within a corporatist framework, without traditional political parties or fixed-term elections.