Peronism: Difference between revisions

With Rapanelli in charge, the Menemist government partially adheres to the measures outlined by [[File:Neoliberal-icon.png]] [[Neoliberalism|John Williamson]] in the [[File:WashingtonConsensus.png]] [[Neoliberalism|Washington Consensus]], achieving the unblocking of [[File:IMF.png]] World Bank credits and managing to convince the entity to support the privatization of several state companies under the State Reform Law, approved in August 1989. The first privatizations were those of the telephone company Entel (with which the Argentine telephone service was modernized, increasing its popularity) and ''Aerolíneas Argentinas'' (Argentinian Airlines), followed by the road network, [[File:Mediastocracy_flair.png]] television channels (except ATC), most of the railway networks and ''Gas del Estado'' (State Gas). Despite the economic income provided by privatizations, a second hyperinflationary cycle could not be avoided, causing Rapanelli to be replaced by [[File:RightPeronism.png]] [[Christian Democracy|Antonio Erman González]] [[File:Cdem.png]]. He, faced with a huge internal debt due to the discriminated issuance of public securities with high interest rates and non-payment to suppliers and longing to control the rise in prices, would be the architect of the economic shock program [[File:Monet.png]] [[Monetarism|''Plan Bonex'']] ''(BONos EXternos)'' (Bonex Plan) (External Bonds). This price stabilization plan would consist of exchanging all fixed terms (temporary deposit of money in the bank, which it then returns plus the interest generated) for state dollar bonds called "Bonex 89", which matured in 1999, also prohibiting banks from temporarily receiving time deposits. Minister Erman, in his homonymous resolutions (Erman I, Erman II, etc) took multiple measures to accompany this process, liberalizing the exchange market, reducing monetary issuance, public spending and state personnel (suspending tenders, expenses and hiring), shrinking the state administrative apparatus, etc. The impact on Argentines with a fixed term was sharp and caused a general distrust in the people, who would begin to disbelieve in bank savings, as a prelude to the ''Corralito'' in 2001. Even so, inflation decreased and was contained, and a surplus was reached in the trade balance.

Erman González finally submitted his resignation in 1991, after the corruption scandal popularly known as [[File:CronyCap.png]] [[Kleptocracy|"Swiftgate"]], in which he and [[File:StateIlleg.png]] [[Kleptocracy|Emir Yoma]], presidential advisor and brother-in-law of Menem, were involved. It was a complaint presented by the Swift-Armour refrigeration company, later dismissed for lack of evidence, to the United States embassy (which Ambassador [[File:Internation.png]] [[Internationalism|Terence Todman]] supported in a note dedicated to the Argentine government), in which they alleged the reception of requests for bribes so that the state would expedite the release of taxes on the company's products.

[[File:Conlib.png]] [[Conservative Liberalism|Domingo Cavallo]] would take the reins of the Ministry of Economy by establishing the convertibility law, a scheme that would mark the parity of the dollar with a new currency: the "convertible" peso, which would eliminate the austral from circulation. Liberal economic measures similar to the [[File:WashingtonConsensus.png]] [[Neoliberalism|Washington Consensus]] would be expanded, highlighting a generalized opening to foreign trade with the reduction of tariffs, quotas and import prohibitions; more privatizations of public companies (related to Menemist corruption, but they had positive effects on electrical, telephone, water and sewage services; while having detrimental ones on railway transport), the reorganization of the tax system and a temporary curtailment of the state; the [[File:Industrial.png]] industry, however, would be punished by low salaries and high taxes, which would favor cheap foreign products. In this period the [[File:Gero.png]] [[Fiscal Conservatism|AFJPs]] would be established for the reform of the retirement system and the economy would remain stable with the disinflation process linked to positive indicators in terms of economic growth, foreign investment, poverty, etc; but unemployment rates would continue to rise, trade deficit would emerge and the fiscal deficit would reappear due to the Tequila Crisis in [[File:Cball-Mexico.png]] Mexico. Regardless, this would not overshadow the results of Cavallo's management and Menem's presidency, which would lead him to win the 1995 elections in the first round, defeating [[File:LeftPeronism.png]] [[Social Democracy|José Octavio Bordón]], of the party [[File:Socdem.png]] [[Social Democracy|''PAIS (Política Abierta para la Integridad Social)'']] (Country, Open Policy for Social Integrity).

After the re-election of Menem in 1995 with [[File:RightPeronism.png]] [[Christian Democracy|Carlos Ruckauf]] as vice president, Cavallo would continue as head of the Ministry of Economy, facing the consequences of the Tequila Effect with high unemployment and underemployment rates, a deindustrialized economy (situation that would be aggravated after he authorized an increase in the internal VAT of 16% to 21%) and other factors that led to the government taking external debt.

The first crisis of the second Menemist period would then come, which would last from 1995 to 1997, as a result of the depreciation of the [[File:Cball-Brazil.png]] Brazilian Real and other currencies, and also due to the [[File:PanAsian.png]] 1997 Asian financial crisis. In the midst of this event, Cavallo would be replaced by the then president of the [[File:Central_bank.png]] [[Financialism|Central Bank]], [[File:RightPeronism.png]] [[Chicago School|Roque Fernández]] [[File:ChicagoSchool.png]], who would take office in 1996 to mitigate unemployment.

After an entire year in economic recession, activity would grow again, leaving the Mexican crisis behind. Privatizations would continue, this time of Correo Argentino, Aeropuertos Argentinos 2000 and YPF; unemployment would fall in 1997 and the economy would continue its upward trend until 1999, receiving a hard blow with the second crisis of convertibility in 1998-1999, that happened with the crisis in [[File:Cball-Russia.png]] Russia, the devaluation of the ruble and the [[File:Cball-Brazil.png]] Samba effect. From this moment on, unemployment rates deepened and the economic recession worsened due to the public debt resulting from the fiscal deficit accumulated since 1995, a crisis that would extend until 2001 with the social outbreak that put an end to convertibility during the presidency of [[File:Argrad.png]] [[Radicalism|Fernando de la Rúa]] (who would win the elections against Duhalde in 1999 and appoint Cavallo as his economy minister, the future structurer of the Corralito).

In the 2003 elections, Menem would run for president alongside [[File:RightPeronism.png]] [[National Liberalism|Juan Carlos Romero]], seeking the "re-re-election". He would secure a victory in the first round, but finding himself disadvantaged in the runoff and with a predicted defeat, he would end up relegating, leaving [[File:Kirch.png]] [[Social Democracy|Néstor Kirchner]] as president.

It originates in the framework of the 2003 elections under the so-called "neolemmas law", which allowed three PJ candidates to run in the general elections to compete against each other, presenting themselves in practice as if they were part of different parties: [[File:Kirch.png]] [[Social Democracy|Néstor Kirchner]] (Front for Victory), [[File:Menem.png]] [[Conservative Liberalism|Carlos Menem]] (Front for Loyalty) and [[File:FedPron.png]] [[Nationalism|Adolfo Rodríguez Saá]] (Popular Movement Front). After Néstor Kirchner won the elections, an opposition Peronism would be formed, with two predominant factions established around Menem and Saá.

The Federal PJ would end up breaking up in 2019, after the dissolution of [[File:Fed.png]] [[Federalism|Alternativa Federal]] (an alliance that brought together figures such as [[File:Nationalconservativeliberalism-icon.png]] [[National Liberalism|Miguel Pichetto]], [[File:CentristPeronism.png]] [[Moderatism|Sergio Massa]], [[File:3way.png]] [[Third Way|Juan Schiaretti]], [[File:3way.png]] [[Third Way|Juan Urtubey]], etc), with Pichetto running as vice president of Mauricio Macri in the elections of the same year, while Massa would join the Frente de Todos to be part of the future government of [[File:AlbertoFernandez.png]] [[Social Liberalism|Alberto Fernández]] and Urtubey would join [[File:3way.png]] [[Third Way|Consenso Federal]] with [[File:3way.png]] [[Third Way|Roberto Lavagna]].

Federal Peronism persists today through parties such as [[File:RepubPron.png]] [[National Liberalism|Encuentro Republicano Federal]] and [[File:3way.png]] [[Third Way|Hacemos por Nuestro País]].

As an ideology it was strongly verticalist in the Peronist Resistance, rejecting both the revolutionary and leftist currents of Peronism (a long conflict that would be consummated in the Ezeiza massacre) and the more "dialoguist" (in favor of negotiating with dictatorships and the radical civil governments until the return of Perón, such as [[File:SyndieSamCon.png]] [[Syndicalism|Vandorism]]) or reconciling sectors of Neoperonism, maintaining an unrestricted loyalty to Perón. After participating as a fundamental faction in syndicalism during the Peronist Resistance, orthodox Peronism would take on great importance in Perón's third term and in the subsequent presidency of [[File:Isabelita.png]] [[Kakistocracy|Isabel Perón]] with [[File:ArgentineAnticommunistAlliance.png]] [[Esoteric Fascism|José López Rega]].

"''Tendencia Revolucionaria''" (Revolutionary Tendency) or Revolutionary Peronism is the name given to the leftist and insurrectional sector of Peronism, formed gradually between the 60s and 70s. With economically left to extreme left (factions) and culturally progressive stances, it interprets Peronism as a nationalist variant of [[File:Christsoc.png]] [[Christian Socialism|Christian socialism]] molded to the Argentine cultural context and advocates [[File:Jingoism.png]] [[Jingoism|armed struggle]] and other [[File:NatTerrorist.png]] {{PCBA|Terrorism#National_Terrorism|combative stances}} – such as the planting of bombs known as "caños" –, as legitimate strategies for its defense. It is in addition of a strong nationalist, [[File:Antiimp.png]] {{PCBA|Anti-Imperialism|anti-imperialist}} and [[File:Anti-Elitism.png]] anti-oligarchic thought, holding national liberation and the construction of a [[File:Leftnat.png]] [[Left-Wing Nationalism|"nationalist socialism"]] as its main objectives.

''La Tendencia'' was made up of [[File:Montoneros.png]] [[Left-Wing Nationalism|Montoneros]] and [[File:LeftTerrorist.png]] {{PCBA|Terrorism#Left-Wing_Terrorism|FAR}}, as core guerrilla organizations, and also by others terrorist formations, such as the [[File:LeftTerrorist.png]] {{PCBA|Terrorism#Left-Wing_Terrorism|Peronist Armed Forces}}.

The "Triple A" (Argentine Anticommunist Alliance) was a far-right parapolice terrorist organization of [[File:Fash.png]] [[Fascism|fascist]], [[File:Pron.png]] Peronist (but some of its leaders, such as [[File:PolState.png]] [[Police Statism|Alberto Villar]] and [[File:PolState.png]] [[Police Statism|Luis Margaride]], were [[File:Anti-Peronism.png]] anti-Peronists), [[File:Trad.png]] [[Traditionalism|traditionalist]] and [[File:Anticommunism.png]] {{PCBA|Anti-Communism|anti-communist}} ideals that arose in Argentina during the third presidency of Perón, and in the subsequent government of [[File:Isabelita.png]] [[Nationalism|Isabel Perón]], after [[File:Esofash.png]] [[Esoteric Fascism|José López Rega]] was appointed as Minister of Social Welfare under [[File:TioCampora.png]] [[Social Democracy#Left-Social_Democracy|Héctor Cámpora's]] term.

The activities of the Triple A began to dissipate when in 1975, after the resignation of López Rega due to the violent reactions to the economic plan of the then Minister of Economy [[File:RightPeronism.png]] [[Fiscal Conservatism|Celestino Rodrigo]] (the "Rodrigazo", an economic adjustment plan that caused a huge rise in inflation and shortages, in addition to strong opposition from the unions), squadrons of grenadiers (of the Regiment of Mounted Grenadiers "General San Martín") raided the presidential headquarters and extracted an entire arsenal of weapons, forcing López Rega into exile in Spain after an emergency decree was signed to declare him an itinerant ambassador. With Isabel Perón in solitude, the [[File:Argentiniantorturer.png]] [[Stratocracy|National Reorganization Process]] proceeded and López Rega alternated destinations after multiple extradition requests, until he finally surrendered in Miami, being arrested by FBI agents and dying in Argentina on June 9, 1982, awaiting his sentence.

It finds its roots in the [[File:ArgNatLab.png]] [[National Syndicalism|nationalist-laborist]] expression (to which union leaders such as [[File:Soc-h.png]] [[Socialism|Alcides Montiel]], [[File:Soc-h.png]] [[Socialism|Lucio Bonilla]], [[File:Trot.png]] [[Trotskyism|Cipriano Reyes]] and [[File:Soc-h.png]] [[Socialism|Ángel Perelman]] joined) that preceded Peronism and in the alliance that the unified CGT (after the intervention and dissolution of the CGT No. 2 for supporting communist ideals considered "extreme") sought with the pro-union sectors of the military government of the Revolution of '43, and has been substantial for the birth, maintenance and general structure of the movement; being mostly represented by the modern [[File:SyndPron.png]] [[Syndicalism|CGT]].

After an essential participation in Perón's first government (promoting the October 17 march and the constitutional reform of '49, catapulting Evita to the vice presidency, forming a union state in Chaco, etc.), Peronist syndicalism would receive a hard blow with the Liberating Revolution of 1955. The Aramburu government would intervene in the unions, replacing them with anti-Peronist "''comandos civiles'' ("civil commandos"), and after a failed "''Congreso Normalizador''" (Normalizing Congress), the CGT would suffer its first fracture, dividing into two groups:

The regional CGT of Córdoba, which at that time was the only one over which its workers had control, would organize the historic "''Programa de La Falda''" (Program of La Falda) in 1957, where they would define the [[File:SyndieSam.png]] [[Syndicalism|labor movement]] as favorable towards the [[File:Antiimp.png]] {{PCBA|Anti-Imperialism|anti-imperialist}} ideas of the national liberation movements (aligned with the [[File:NAM.png]] NAM and the Third World) and as supporter of a [[File:PlannedEconomy.png]] [[State Socialism|planned state economy]] with strong participation of unions. As a result of this, a new generation of Peronist syndicalist leaders would emerge, among whom were included: [[File:SyndieSamCon.png]] [[Syndicalism|Augusto Vandor]] (UOM), [[File:SyndPron.png]] [[Syndicalism|Andrés Framini]] (AOT), [[File:SyndPron.png]] [[Syndicalism|Amado Olmos]] (Health) and [[File:SyndPron.png]] [[Syndicalism|Atilio López]] (Urban Collective Transport).

*[[File:OrthPeron.png]] [[National Syndicalism|Orthodox]] (called "authentic" in Córdoba): in favor of an internal vertical association (movement conducted by a leader), [[File:Trad.png]] [[Traditionalism|traditionalist]] and intransigent that responds directly to Perón's ideas, rejecting dialogue with other syndicalist currents. Represented by the 62 standing with Perón and supported by Perón himself during his exile. Led by [[File:SyndieSamCon.png]] [[Syndicalism|José Alonso]].

*[[File:WPD.png]] [[Syndicalism|Legalists]]: opposed to orthodox verticalism, [[File:Moder.png]] [[Moderatism|moderate]] and [[File:Pragmat.png]] [[Machiavellianism|pragmatic]], in favor of dialogue with other syndicalist currents and an institutional (legal) syndicalism independent of Perón. Represented by the "Loyal to Perón"/62 Vandorists and with an internal distinction between the [[File:WPD.png]] [[Democracy|democratic]] legalists and the [[File:SyndieSamCon.png]] [[Syndicalism|Vandorists]] (collaborationists, participacionists and "dialogists" with the dictatorship, in favor of a Peronism without Perón with Vandor as leader). Led by [[File:SyndieSamCon.png]] [[Syndicalism|Augusto Vandor]].

*[[File:Azopardo.png]] [[Syndicalism|CGT-Azopardo]]: [[File:Strato.png]] [[Stratocracy|pro-dictatorship]] (participationism and collaborationism with the military government), composed of [[File:SyndieSamCon.png]] [[Syndicalism|Vandorists]], [[File:OrthPeron.png]] [[National Syndicalism|orthodox Alonsists]] (from José Alonso) and [[File:WPD.png]] [[Machiavellianism|legalists of Córdoba]] [[File:Mach.png]].

*[[File:LibSyn.png]] [[Syndicalism|CGT of the Argentines]]: [[File:AntiMil.png]] {{PCBA|Pacifism|anti-dictatorship}} (in favor of [[File:Socjust.png]] [[Progressivism#Social_Justice|social justice]], [[File:RevNat.png]] [[Nationalism|popular sovereignty]] and [[File:Nation.png]] [[Nationalism|national unity]], rejecting any type of negotiation or cooperation with the dictatorship), composed of independent Ongarists (from [[File:RevSynd.png]] [[Syndicalism|Raimundo Ongaro]]) and [[File:OrthPeron.png]] [[National Syndicalism|orthodox/authentic of Córdoba]] [[File:Modsorelia.png]], in addition to well-known artists such as [[File:Montoneros.png]] [[Left-Wing Nationalism|Rodolfo Walsh]].

Between 1969 and 1971, the Cordobazo and the Viborazo occurred, and Vandor was also murdered in the so-called "Operation Judas." The idea of ​​a "Peronism without Perón" would then be discarded, but collaborationist practices would persist within the [[File:OrthPeron.png]] [[National Syndicalism|Peronist syndicalist orthodoxy]] (mainly thanks to [[File:SyndieSamCon.png]] [[Syndicalism|Rogelio Coria]]) and the [[File:SyndPron.png]] [[Syndicalism|62 Organizations]] would be unified under the leadership of [[File:SyndieSamCon.png]] [[Syndicalism|José Ignacio Rucci]]; with [[File:SyndieSamCon.png]] [[Syndicalism|Lorenzo Miguel]] remaining in charge of the UOM. The tensions between the different factions of the CGT Córdoba would not cease, however.

[[File:WPD.png]] [[Syndicalism|Legalists]] and [[File:Leftunity.png]] [[Socialism|independents]] (not-Peronists leftists) would finally reach an agreement to which the [[File:OrthPeron.png]] [[National Syndicalism|orthodox]] would not adhere, withdrawing to approach the national Peronist syndicalism and leaving the CGT Córdoba in the hands of legalist pluralism and independent "''combativismo''" ("combativism"). Rucci and Miguel would then ally themselves with the orthodox in the hope of unifying all the workers' confederations into a single CGT, counting on the adhesion of the workers of the dissolved [[File:RevSynd.png]] [[Syndicalism|Sitrac-Sitram]] ("clasistas" or "classist" unions of Córdoba, of the revolutionary left, opposed to the dictatorship and from the Concord and Materfer companies).

Rucci would be assassinated by Montoneros in 1973 in what would be called "Operation Traviata", and with Perón in his third presidency, the government would persecute combative and [[File:RevSynd.png]] [[Syndicalism|revolutionary syndicalism]]. Perón would reform the union laws to establish a central, vertical and unified syndicalism while the conflict between [[File:OrthPeron.png]] [[National Syndicalism|orthodox]] and [[File:WPD.png]] [[Syndicalism|legalists]] persisted, which would lead to a campaign of terror by the [[File:RightPeronism.png]] [[Peronism|Peronist Right]] (mainly the [[File:ArgentineAnticommunistAlliance.png]] {{PCBA|Anti-Communism|Triple A}} and finally to the Navarrazo. With the other syndicalist currents persecuted, the orthodox would gain control of the CGT until Perón's death in 1974, when [[File:Isabelita.png]] [[Kakistocracy|Isabel Perón]] would take over and discard the union policy of the [[File:Soccorp.png]] [[Corporatism#Social_Corporatism|Social Pact]] to implement the Rodrigazo. Syndicalist Peronism would respond with multiple strikes, the situation calming down only with the appointment of [[File:ChristDemHum.png]] [[Christian Democracy|Antonio Cafiero]] as Minister of Economy; while the [[File:Corp.png]] [[Corporatocracy|large business groups]], on the other hand, would call for an employer lock-out that would promote forms of [[File:AuthCorp.png]] [[Corporatocracy|"economic subversion"]].<ref>https://www.global-regulation.com/translation/argentina/140275186/economic-subversion-law-20840---derogation---full-text-of-the-norm.html</ref>

*[[File:Mil.png]] [[Stratocracy|Dialoguism]]: in favor of dialoguing and negotiating with the dictatorship, concentrated in the CNT and then in the CGT-Azopardo. Led by [[File:SyndieSamCon.png]] [[Syndicalism|Jorge Triaca Sr]].

The CGT-Brazil, despite its anti-dictatorship stance, would support the [[File:Cball-Falklands.png]] Falklands War under a patriotic vision, until the defeat and fall of the military government; it would then be that both [[File:SyndPron.png]] [[Syndicalism|CGT]] (Brasil and Azopardo) would carry out a historic general strike to demand democratic elections. This would finally be achieved in 1983, with the victory of Alfonsín, who as a campaign strategy would denounce a "military-union" pact and oppose the Peronist unions in his presidency, sending a union law without consulting the Peronist syndicalism. The unions would respond with 13 consecutive strikes, forcing him to negotiate with them.

*[[File:SyndMenem.png]] [[Syndicalism|Syndicalist Menemism]]: in favor of Menem's liberal measures and cooperating with him. Led by [[File:Menem.png]] [[Syndicalism|Luis Barrionuevo]].

*[[File:FatOnes.png]] [[Syndicalism|The Fat Ones]]: in favor of negotiating without confronting him openly. Composed by service unions who today support [[File:SyndieSam.png]] [[Syndicalism|Héctor Daer]].

*[[File:MoyanoCamioneros.png]] [[Syndicalism|MTA-Moyano]]: in favor of confronting him without breaking the CGT. Led by [[File:SyndPron.png]] [[Syndicalism|Hugo Moyano]], [[File:SyndPron.png]] [[Syndicalism|Alicia Castro]] y [[File:SyndieSam.png]] [[Syndicalism|Juan Manuel Palacios]] in the MTA (Movimiento de los Trabajadores Argentinos) (Argentine Workers Movement), which would later be divided into the MTA-Moyano and Núcleo del MTA (MTA's Core).

*[[File:SyndPron.png]] [[Syndicalism|The CTA]]: in favor of confronting it by creating a new union center. Led by Peronist-Christians who created the CTA (Argentine Workers' Central Union), which in the future would be divided into the CTA-A (Autonomous, "maintaining" the autonomy of the CTA, led by [[File:Synd.png]] [[Syndicalism|Hugo Godoy]]) and the CTA-T (Workers, with kirchnerist ideals, led by [[File:Kirch.png]] [[Left-Wing Populism|Hugo Yasky]])