"If I had not been born Perón, I would have liked to be Perón."
Peronism, or Justicialism, is a center to left ideology, statist, populist, and sometimes considered authoritarian, because of certain means of indoctrination it employs/has employed in the past. It's usually a culturally progressive ideology, but may vary, as it's pragmatic in general. It is considered to be very similar to some types of Social Democracy (with many of its basis being re-distribution of wealth, giving more power to unions, protectionism, etc.) but overall it's a very vague ideology, based in general principles more than in specific social diagnoses or policies.
Although, as stated previously, it tends to be left-wing, on certain occasions modern Peronism has adapted a lot of different ideologies, such as Neoliberalism, Conservatism, Social Democracy and Left-Wing Populism to adapt to the changing (and largely unstable) political environment of Argentina and gain popular approbation (usual behavior among populist ideologies).
The seizure of power by Perón and the origins of Peronism
In the late 1930s, nationalist groups gained strength, some of which were oriented towards the idea of corporative state model of European fascism, propagated social justice ("justicia social") and found strong approval among the members of the urban industrial proletariat. In the spirit of this political current, which advocated a third way between capitalism and socialism, the nationalist military personnel of the Grupo de Oficiales Unidos (GOU) staged a coup named "Revolution of '43" against the ruling regime of Ramón Castillo, the last of the de facto presidents of the "Década Infame" (Infamous Decade), a period that began after the overthrow of President Hipólito Yrigoyen and that was characterized by promoting a conservative and reactionary model based on import-substituting industrialization and banning the unions of the urban proletariat. Juan Domingo Perón, accompanying Arturo Rawson, Pedro Ramírez and Edelmiro Farrell, participated in this coup as a junior officer, later appointed vice president under Farrell's term and subsequently tooking over the "Secretary of State for Labor and Social Security".
Perón used his power to establish relations with the leading unions and bring them under his control. He ordered the arrests of numerous politically radical labor and trade union leaders, whose posts were taken by Perón's loyalists. Perón legalized trade unions, after their ban in the previous government, and gave them legal public status, including the right to strike and resist, after imposing a new organization under his leadership. In addition, he promoted the rapid construction of the welfare state and pushed through higher wages and better working conditions.
By building a welfare state system and allocating social benefits solely through loyal trade unions, Perón made them interesting for the working class and at the same time docile, since they depended on his granting of privileges. In addition, the restriction of social benefits isolated unwelcome unions, whose members had to forego the newly introduced benefits, soon followed by a ban on individual trade unions. After a certain time, this approach led to a co-ordination of the trade union movement under Perón's leadership which was mostly accepted. The Peronist-organized trade unions experienced an enormous influx and the communist-controlled trade union federation voluntarily dissolved and joined the Peronist federation, as did the socialist trade unions.
In the later years, further social benefits, including price maintenance for basic necessities, were enforced and important industrial enterprises were placed under state administration. The quality of life increased enormously, securing Perón the support of the strengthened industrial proletariat, on which he founded his rule.
Perón's first term (1946 to 1952)
The popularity of Perón, who had meanwhile risen to vice president, was soon perceived as a threat by the rulling military and. They forced him to resign and he was finally arrested on October 12. On October 17 of the same year (a date considered the birth of Peronism and also know as the "Día de la Lealtad" or Day of Loyalty), he returned to office under massive pressure from his followers, whom initiated spontaneous strikes and mass rallies in his support. At this insistance and the one of the Western Allies, democratic elections were held in February 1946, in which Perón, as a candidate of the "Partido Laborista" (Laborist Party), was elected president by a large majority. Perón's wife, Eva Perón, led influential women's organizations of the Peronist movement and won women's suffrage in 1947.
Through the establishment of a comprehensive welfare state and social reforms – condensed in the Primer Plan Quinquenal (First Five-Year Plan), an industrialist state-planning program that, financed with high public spending, sought to guarantee the economic independence of Argentina –, Perón secured broad popular support, but this began to wane in 1949 and continued with the beggining of the 50's, in the wake of a phase of economic weakness, with the economic slowdown leading to an attempt to repproach to the United States that would be continued in his turn of economic plan. At the end of 1951, the economic team that had been working in an unfavorable international period since 1949 – a more orthodox group than that of the "Wizard of Peronist finance" Miguel Miranda, with the presence of economists such as Alfredo Gómez Morales and Antonio Cafiero – set out to rethink its strategies to face the inevitable crisis that was brewing to explode around 1952, one that until that moment had hit the country with an enormous drop in real wages and record inflation. Then, Perón brought forward the elections from 1952 to November 1951, achieving re-election by a landside and beginning his second term on June 4, 1952, with a high tension between peronists and antiperonists. Before taking office, Peron announces to the country the "Plan de Emergencia Económica" (Emergency Economic Plan), a mixed austerity plan that incorporated orthodox-liberal economic measures with syndicalist ones.
Perón's second term (1952-1955)
In 1952, the plan is put into action and there is a sharp reduction in public spending, reducing mainly the public works sector, attached to this, and consequently, there was a considerable reduction in the fiscal deficit. State loans are limited and, as part of his strategy, Perón agrees to an increase in wages and freezes them for two years, promoting saving and production among workers and discouraging consumption. Private investment is also encouraged and foreign capital is attracted, allowing the establishment of multinational companies. This would be the same year in which Eva Perón, Peron's wife and an important representative figure of the feminist wing of the movement, would die on July 26.
In 1953, the measures of the "Plan de Emergencia Económica" were expanded and formalized with the "Segundo Plan Quinquenal" (Second Five-Year Plan), which maintained the orthodox measures but accompanied them with some interventionist ones, such as the price agreement, a tenacious opposition to speculators and government incentives for the development of the agricultural sector. The stabilization plan began to bear fruit and objectives such as lowering inflation were quickly achieved.
Real wages, however, never increased, and multiple sectors of the economy were affected, earning Perón multiple labor strikes and an increasingly strained relationship with the militar opposition, which responded violently to the disappearances of oppositors of the government and the devotion that began to take shape around the figure of Perón and his wife, which used to be manifestated through acts commonly denoted as "social indoctrination techniques".
Overthrow, Peronist Resistance/Neoperonism (1955 to 1973) and split in the movement
Finally, in 1955, the civic-military dictatorship self-proclaimed "Revolución Libertadora" (Liberating Revolution), headed by generals Eduardo Lonardi and Pedro Aramburu, overthrew Perón on September 16, 1955, after a failed attempt on June 16, 1955, where a group of designated soldiers bombed the Casa Rosada and the Plaza de Mayo in hopes of killing Perón. This cicle is marked by a policy of "de-peronization" of society attached to events such as the kidnapping of Evita's corpse and the proscription of Peronism in the Lonardi government.
In the following years, after Perón fled into exile, the presidency rotated between radicals and military dictators. Arturo Frondizi was the first of them, and had a broad confrontation with the Peronist sectors due to their economic policy and government acts, Even so, he allowed the participation of the Neoperonist party "Unión Popular" in the 1962 elections to renew half of the deputies and elect provincial governors, in which Peronism emerged triumphant in several of the provinces, leading the military forces to carry out a coup on March 29 of the same year, where the civilian José María Guido was put in office under the "law of acephaly". Guido, with military pressure, put the Congress in reccess and called for elections in July 7th, 1963, in which Arturo Umberto Illia, for the "Unión Cívica Radical del Pueblo" (Radical Civic Union of the People), was the winner, who removed the ban on the PJ, but kept it on Perón. In June 26, the military finally intervened in a process known as the "Revolución Argentina" (Argentine Revolution), protagonized by Generals Juan Onganía, Roberto Levingston and Alejandro Lanusse.
In this period of time, from september 1955 to the May 25, 1973 (Cámpora's presidency), the "Peronist Resistance" was initiated, a period in which autonomous union, neighborhood and student organizations, among others, opposed and resisted dictatorships and civil governments that followed the departure of Peron. Attached to this uprising, Neoperonism, also called "Peronism without Perón" or "Vandorism" (from the political ideas of Augusto Vandor, general secretary of the Metallurgical Worker Union), arose, as a tendency that defended Peronist ideas against the ban of the movement, with its highest fronts being the "Unión Popular Federal" (Federal Popular Union) and the "Partido Laborista" (Laborist Party). In response to the acts of oppression of the civic-military dictatorships and from constitutional government such as the one of Frondizi, the different branches of Peronism responded from clandestinity using various tactics, from the boycott of public and private companies, attempts at political participation (the aforementioned Neoperonist parties, for example) and even the placement of bombs, which corresponded to the formation of armed groups like the Tacuara Nationalist Movement.
Perón's third term
After the military regime of the "Revolución Argentina" under Lanusse's government failed to get control over the country's economic problems, democratic elections were held in March 11, 1973. The military was unable and unwilling to keep the PJ away from the government and was reluctant to allow it to participate, but without Perón's presence. Héctor José Cámpora ran then as the presidential candidate of Peronism, in an electoral alliance called the "Frente Justicialista de Liberación" (FREJULI), a gathering of conservative, Christian Democrat, socialist, radical, and Peronist parties, with the latter being the majority. He won the elections and began his short presidential term, known as the "Primavera Camporista" (Camporist Spring), distinguished for his policies of social agreements between the government, unions and employers, his positions of nonalignment in the Cold War and his progressive visions. Cámpora quickly removed the exclusion on Perón so that he would settle permanently in Argentina and participate in the elections on September 23 of the same year, after Cámpora and his vice president, Vicente Solano Lima resigned from their charges. In this short period of time, Raúl Alberto Lastiri temporarily held the position of president before the elections and immediately outlawed the ERP (Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo) (People's Revolutionary Army), which functioned as the guerrilla structure of the PRT (Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores) (Revolutionary Party of Workers), a far-left political party that was also banned after the assault on the Army Sanitation Command.
When Perón arrived to the country, the tense relations between the orthodox Peronists and the leftist sector of the "Tendencia Revolucionaria" (Revolutionary Tendency) led to the "Masacre de Ezeiza" (Ezeiza Massacre), a mass murder occurred at the Ezeiza Airport, where both sectors of Peronism gathered to receive their leader. Supporters of revolutionary Peronism were then shot by members of the "Comando de Organización de la Juventud Peronista" (CdO) (Peronist Youth Organization Command), an insurrectionary Peronist organization that rejected both the center-left and center-right. Perón then ran for president with his wife, Isabel Perón, under the FREJULI, and won by wide difference. With the unstable panorama of Peronism, he decided to resume his traditional and orthodox bases, attacking Marxism and seeking its total elimination. He proposed an industrialist policy, non-aligned international positions in favor of Third World integration and also approved the operations of the "Alianza Anticomunista Argentina" (Triple A) (Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance), which was in charge of persecuting militants of revolutionary Peronism and was led by José López Rega and Alberto Villar.
Peron finally died in July 1, 1974, and Perón's wife, Isabel Perón (previously vice president), took over the presidency and carried out an orthodox economic plan together and favored the persecution of leftist university students through parapolice groups, advised by López Rega and Emilio Massera. After a brief period in which Isabel Perón designated Ítalo Lúder to assume the presidency, and in a panorama of destabilization and an increase in guerrilla activity, the military coup self-proclaimed "Proceso de Reorganización Nacional" (National Reorganization Process) was executed.
Military dictatorship 1976 to 1983
With the establishment of the National Reorganization Process – as part of the Operation Condor – , originally led by Jorge Rafael Videla, Massera and Orlando Agosti, the dictatorship began to carry out state terrorism policies against the opposition, unleashing imprisonment, disappearances, torture, murder and kidnapping of children. A fairly divided Peronism then resisted through trade unionism and human rights organizations, while the Azopardo branch of the "'Confederación General del Trabajo'" (CGT) (General Labor Confederation) and some members of the PJ agreed with the dictatorship and secured certain government positions.
Role in the democratization of Argentina after 1983
After Argentina's military defeat in the Falklands War in 1982, the ruling military regime collapsed, and as a consequence the then (and last) de facto president of Argentina, Reynaldo Bignone, was forced to begin a democratic transition and prepare for the 1983 elections, where the two traditional political forces faced each other: Peronism (PJ), under Lúder, and radicalism (UCR), under Raúl Alfonsín. As a result of the revival of the PJ, the open struggles for direction within Peronism had gained in importance, carried out by the representatives of the various trade unions, each claiming leadership. The Orthodox groups (including the CGT Azopardo) eventually ensured Lúder and Deolindo Bittel as the candidates for the presidental election.
Alfonsín, who in the name of the UCR (Unión Cívica Radical/Radical Civic Union) defended a social democratic system characterized by liberal values and the protection of civil liberties, ended up winning the election supported by the bad image that Isabel Perón had left in the JP due her authoritarian acts, forcing Peronism to take a new direction for the election of 1989 and giving birth to Menemism. This happened in an internal process known as the "Peronist Renovation" headed by Carlos Menem (with a federalist focus), Antonio Cafiero (with a "modernizer" focus) and Carlos Grosso in the JP, with the aim of guiding the party under the democratic ideals that Alfonsín espoused in his campaign and displacing the orthodox Peronists from their power in the movement and in the trade unions. Peronism managed to maintain a majority in the Senate and in the government of the provinces, and from the beggining of his term, Alfonsín set a strong confrontation with the trade unions represented by the CGT, with whom he only agreed to negotiate in the last stretch of it.
Twenty Peronist Tenets
From Peron's "Peronist Philosophy":
- "A true democracy is that one in which the government does what the people want and defends only one interest: the people's."
- "Peronism is essentially of the common people. Any political elite is anti-people, and thus, not Peronist."
- "A Peronist works for the movement. Whoever, in the name of Peronism, serves an elite or a leader, is a Peronist in name only."
- "For Peronism, there is only one class of person: those who work."
- "Working is a right that creates the dignity of men; and it's a duty, because it's fair that everyone should produce as much as they consume at the very least."
- "For a good Peronist, there is nothing better than another Peronist." (In 1973, after coming back from exile, in a conciliatory attempt, and in order to lessen the division in society, Peron reformed this tenet to: "For an Argentine, there is nothing better than another Argentine.")
- "No Peronist should feel more than what he is, nor less than what he should be. When a Peronist feels more than what he is, he begins to turn into an oligarch."
- "When it comes to political action, the scale of values of every Peronist is: Argentina first; the movement second; and thirdly, the individuals."
- "Politics are not an end, but a means for the well-being of Argentina: which means happiness for our children and greatness for our nation."
- "The two arms of Peronism are social justice and social help. With them, we can give a hug of justice and love to the people."
- "Peronism desires national unity and not struggle. It wants heroes, not martyrs."
- "Kids should be the only privileged class."
- "A government without doctrine is a body without soul. That's why Peronism has a political, economic and social doctrine: Justicialism."
- "Justicialism is a new philosophy of life: simple, practical, of the common people, and profoundly Christian and humanist."
- "As political doctrine, Justicialism balances the right of the individual and society."
- "As an economic doctrine, Justicialism proposes a social market, putting capital to the service of the economy and the well-being of the people."
- "As a social doctrine, Justicialism carries out social justice, which gives each person their rights in accordance to their social function."
- "Peronism wants an Argentina socially 'fair', economically 'free' and politically 'sovereign'."
- "We establish a centralized government, an organized State and a free people."
- "In this land, the best thing we have is our people."
Kirchnerism is an economically center-left to left-unity and culturally moderate to progressive ideology based on the ideological postulates of the presidencies of Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) and Cristina Kirchner (2007-2015), gathered in a period called the "Década Ganada" (Won Decade) by supporters. It brings together social democratic, socialist, Marxist, "radical K" (Kirchnerist radical) and Alfonsinist (of President Raúl Alfonsín) parties in a nationalist and left-wing populist movement that focuses on social justice, human rights and progressivism. It also has great support from the political group "La Cámpora", an organization made in honor of Cámpora that is dedicated to Kirchnerist militancy and the promotion of human rights.
It arose within the crisis of December 2001 in Argentina (a social, economic and political crisis motivated by the slogan "All of them must go!" that caused the resignation of President Fernando de la Rúa and triggered the rotation of the presidential power until 2003) with the interim presidency of Eduardo Duhalde underway, when the Grupo Calafate (Calafate Group, a group originally directed by Duhalde and coordinated by Alberto Fernández that brought together anti-Menemist sectors and maintained as its main objective to avoid the "re-reelection" of Menem) presented Nestor Kirchner and Daniel Scioli as the presidential ticket, losting the first round by a simple majority of Menem. Menem, wanting to avoid a humiliating defeat predicted for the runoff, withdrew, leaving Néstor Kirchner as president. He was then succeeded by his wife, Cristina Kirchner, in two presidential terms and in a vice presidency in the government of Alberto Fernández.
Kirchnerism can be summarized in the following economic and social tenents:
- State intervention in the economy;
- Industrialization and developmentalism;
- Accumulation of reserves in the Central Bank;
- Immediate payment of the external debt and the avoidance of its accumulation;
- Fiscal balance to ensure a low fiscal and trade deficit (at least in theory);
- Maintenance of the exchange rate at high levels to favor competition and exports;
- Anti-Neoliberalism (the Kirchners had a positive political relationship with Menem at first, but they turned on him later): a fervent opposition to the policies called "neoliberal" by the Kirchners, including "adjustment" measures, privatizations, shrinking of the State and cuts in public spending, liberalization of the internal and external markets, debt contraction, etc;
- Regional alignment and rejection of free trade agreements with the United States ;
- Promotion of human rights through the State and organizations like the UN;
- Gender and sexuality policies (although Kirchnerism was always ambivalent regarding abortion, with a sharp rejection by Néstor Kirchner and an ambiguity by Cristina Kirchner that was only broken with the approval of the Voluntary Interruption of Pregnancy Law in 2020, in the Fernández's government);
- Social Justice and a tendency to appeal to left-wing populism.
Néstor Kirchner held center to center-left economic ideals and moderate progressive cultural positions, being in favor of the LGBT community and feminism, but opposing abortion. He proposed a more moderate social democratic system than his wife's, focusing on income recovery (doubling the middle class), favoring exports and expressing the need for fiscal balance.
The presidency of Néstor Kirchner was characterized by a broad and constant GDP growth driven by the 2000's commodities boom together with a fiscal and commercial surplus (the so-called "twin surpluses") and a drop in unemployment and poverty (inflation values increased, however, until the end of his term), the total cancellation of the debt contracted with the IMF (which represented the 9% of the total public debt), high exportations, devaluation of the currency through the Central Bank, increase in public services, fiscal balance, opposition to the hegemonic media (such as Clarín and La Nación) and an active human rights policy to amend the damages and convict those responsible for the National Reorganization Process. With the rebounding economy that he had received after Duhalde's enormous fiscal adjustment, Nestor managed high positive indicators (mainly with Roberto Lavagna as Minister of Economy) with moderate social democratic measures and ended his term in 2007, supporting his wife in her candidacy for the elections. He finally passed away on October 27, 2010, from a cardiac arrest.
Cristina Kirchner held center-left economic ideals and progressive cultural positions, proposing a social democratic economic scheme with a Keynesian and left-wing populist tendency that defends a greater state intervention in the market compared to Néstor's system. She advocated the approval of abortion as vice president and had a strong affinity for feminist movements. She is normally referred by her initials "CFK" (Cristina Fernández de Kirchner) and is nicknamed "la Jefa" (the Boss).
Cristina Kirchner, ran with the approval of Néstor Kirchner in the 2007 elections, along with Julio Cobos. She won in the first round by a large margin and was consolidated as president of the Nation. Her first period (2007-2011) was marked by the intervention in the INDEC (nucleated in the CPI sector: Consumer Price Index) by Guillermo Moreno, which caused a sanction by the IMF and a general nebulosity in the data added to the underestimation of inflation and the unreliable measures of GDP. It can be affirmed, even so, that Cristina's presidency maintained remarkable indicators, avoiding the 2008 crisis with the profitable commodities boom that persisted in her term: the constant decline in poverty, indigence, unemployment and foreign debt continued, the strengthening of foreign relations was achieved through an autonomist and Latin Americanist policy, and progressive policies were deepened, embodied in the legalization of same-sex marriage and the approval of gender identity laws. The Ministry of Economy was occupied by three different officials: the first, Martín Lousteau, who was the author of "Resolution 125", a series of withholding tax measures that tried to capture part of the income obtained by the field with the favorable period and ended up provoking a convoluted national conflict between the countryside and Kirchnerism; the second, Carlos Fernández; and the third, Amado Bodou, future vice president and president of ANSES (National Social Security Administration) who was in charge of the elimination of the AFJP (Administradora de Fondos de Jubilaciones y Pensiones) (Retirement and Pension Fund Administrator), private companies that were dedicated to the administration of funds generated by contributions pensioners. In her first presidency, some state investments also stand out, such as the creation of the Universal Child Allowance for Social Protection and the foundation of the government program "Fútbol para Todos" (Football for All).
Cristina Kirchner then ran for the 2011 elections together with Amado Boudou as vice president, managing to be the first woman re-elected in America. Her second period (2011-2015) was characterized by inconsistent economic growth, a notable drop in reserves, increase in foreign debt and uncontrolled inflation – which would rise to 38% and then stabilize until it dropped to 26% –, restriction on the dollar and imports, the nationalization of YPF and the conflict with the vulture funds. With the Ministry of Economy under the tutelage of Axel Kicillof , poverty data stopped being published because it was considered "stigmatizing" and "complex to discuss". This attitude and the measures taken by the government developed into a general malaise that fueled the idea of a political change, which would later come with the candidacy and election of Mauricio Macri in 2015.
After Macri's term, that left negative macroeconomic indicators and contracted high debt, Cristina Kirchner resolved to present herself as vice president accompanying Alberto Fernández for the 2019 elections. They achieved a victory in the first round, and the Fernández's government began, which, in a context of the Russo-Ukrainian War and the COVID-19 pandemic, failed in the management of the country and caused great damage to the economy, with inflation, unemployment, poverty and the "blue dollar" – the one that operates outside of the State intervention – on the rise. The differences between Cristina and Alberto overflowed and they staged multiple clashes, with the vice president distancing herself from him during his presidential term. In 2022, Cristina Kirchner was sentenced to 6 years in prison and perpetual disqualification from holding public office in the political corruption case known as "Causa Vialidad" (whose sentence had already been written in 2016) for fraudulent administration aggravated by presumably to have been committed to the detriment of the public administration. She, giving up the chance to be president, and qualifying the sentence as an attempt at "lawfare" and defamation by the hegemonic media, decided to support Sergio Massa's candidacy for the 2023 elections.
Tacuarism is an economically Third Positionist, culturally reactionary and civically authoritarian ideology based on the ideals of the Tacuara Nationalist Movement, an insurrectional, fascist, Falangist and neo-Nazi heterogeneous political organization that brought together various ideological currents under the objective of establishing a national-syndicalist state in Argentina. The Tacuaras spread a Catholic, anti-Semitic, anti-communist, anti-capitalist, anti-oligarchic, anti-imperialist and anti-zionist platform that supported the fight against Judaism and the promotion of Nacionalismo as their highest principles. They sought the formation of a "revolutionary aristocracy" that would establish a third positionist, corporatist, militarist and Catholic national-syndicalist system whose government, in opposition to the parliament and the electoral system, would be selected by chambers of labour, with a State that would control the strategic economic sectors without annulling private property.
Its members were originally active in the Unión Nacionalista de Estudiantes Secundarios (Nationalist Union of Secondary Students), a third position student organization that was a branch of the Nationalist Liberation Alliance. After separating from them due to their turn to Peronism and opposition to the Church, they continued their criminal activities with the help of the nationalist sectors of the police and the Armed Forces, who saw in the group a youth force to stop the advance of the "communist danger" in Argentine society. Among its most remembered acts are the attack on Graciela Sirota, which involved the kidnapping and torture of the 19-year-old Jewish student; the assault on the Banking Polyclinic, considered the first act of urban guerrilla, where a gang from Tacuaras murdered 2 people and took $100,000; the murder of Raúl Alterman, a young Jewish socialist militant; and the collaboration with the delegate of the Arab League, Hussein Triki, in 1962, for the dissemination of anti-Semitic discourses in Argentina.
As a political organization, the Tacuara Movement suffered multiple splits and divisions: the new militants were open supporters of Peronism, left-wing ideologies and anarchist ideologies , and many leaders of the movement began a process of ideological transformation towards equidistant positions. The two main factions were represented by the priest Julio Meinvielle and the French anthropologist and former member of the Waffen-SS, Jacques de Mahieu. Mahieu, a vehement supporter of the Peronist movement, encouraged many members of Tacuara to join the Peronist Resistance, a cause rejected by Meinvielle, who impetuously accused the original core of Tacuara of having been led astray by "Marxist deviations" and criticized Peronism for remaining neutral with the international climate of the Cold War and refusing to support the United States (the "lesser evil"), which according to him led to the indirect validation of the bloc of "anti-Christian" nations made up of the Soviet Union and its allies. Meinvielle then founded a parallel ultra-nationalist, ultra-Catholic and anti-Semitic group baptized as the "Nationalist Restoration Guard". Shortly after, Dardo Cabo also separated from the movement and founded the New Argentina Movement, one of the first right-wing Peronist formations. The biggest rupture, however, was that of the sector headed by Joe Baxter and José Luis Nell, who structured the Tacuara Nationalist Revolutionary Movement and migrated towards left-wing nationalist ideals close to Marxism, acquiring an anti-capitalist and anti-Catholic profile, in opposition to anti-Semitism and with an important connection with the sectors of the left-wing sectors of Peronism that would later form FAR-Montoneros.
Tacuara began its decline with the exodus of a large part of its members to organizations of the extreme right or Peronist left. Baxter founded the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP), Nell joined FAR-Montoneros, Cabo joined the Vandorist movement, while other members ended up collaborating with Triple A and the military dictatorship in the 70's. Formally, the Tacuara Nationalist Movement ceased to operate in 1966.
Biondinism is a far-right, Fourth Positionist and culturally traditionalist ideology based on the ideas of Alejandro Biondini, his son César Biondini and his political parties, New Triumph and Federal Patriot Front. It is of anti-Zionist, orthodox Peronist, nacionalista, ultranationalist, ultraconservative, militarist, anti-communist, anti-feminist, anti-LGBT and anti-globalization ideals, and, although it has been denied on multiple occasions by Biondini himself and his supporters, it is often described as neo-Nazi, neo-fascist, reactionary and antisemite by the press. Biondini and his followers claim to identify with Juan Manuel de Rosas and the Federals. They propose the rejection of any boundary treaty with neighboring countries that has resulted in the surrender of territory (implying belligerent positions with bordering nations, specifically Chile), the reconstitution of the armed forces, the illegalization of same-sex marriage and abortion, compulsory military service, zero tolerance for crime, claiming the state of Palestine as legitimate, expulsion of the Israeli embassy, breaking relations with the United Kingdom until full sovereignty over the Falkland Islands is obtained and an anti-liberal and Christian nationalist economic order that places the state as a rector of the private life of people and of the economy, which it would control for the "common good". They are opposed to Kirchnerism (which they despise for supposedly endorsing values from Marxism and Montoneros) and describe themselves as 'Peronists of Perón', adhering to populist measures such as increased public spending and the nationalization of public service companies that reside in hands of the private sector, but mixing them with other orthodox ones as a resounding reduction in taxes to a total of 18.
The New Triumph Party emerged in 1990 as a derivation of another group founded by Biondini: National Alert, a division of the Justicialist Party that eventually disintegrated. The party was originally called the "Nationalist Workers' Party" with the intention of copying the name of the Nazi Party (German National Socialist Workers' Party), in addition to its members trying to use the swastika as their symbol, accusing Zionism of the deaths of Alfredo Guereño, Luis Alberto Vera and René Tulián on their website, calling Biondini "Führer" and performing the Nazi salute. Biondini tried to obtain legal status on multiple occasions, until it was definitively denied by the Supreme Court and the organization ended up dissolving in 2009.
The Federal Patriot Front (originally called the Patriot Front Neighborhood Flag), on the other hand, achieved definitive legal status and participated in some presidential elections after merging with other poltiical parties.
(W.I.P) Menemism is an economically center-right to right-wing and culturally conservative ideology that comes from the policies of Carlos Menem in his two terms (1989-1995 and 1995-1999). It defends economically liberal ideas (mainly based on the Washington Consensus), such as trade opening, price freedom, tariff reduction, privatization and deregulation of the economy, while maintaining the use of public spending, taxes and the existence of the fiscal deficit.
"Tendencia Revolucionaria" (Revolutionary Tendency) or Revolutionary Peronism is the name given to the leftist and insurrectional sector of Peronism, formed gradually between the 60s and 70s. With economically left to extreme left (factions) and culturally progressive stances, it interprets Peronism as a nationalist variant of Christian socialism molded to the Argentine cultural context and advocates armed struggle and other combative stances – such as the planting of bombs known as "caños" –, as legitimate strategies for its defense. It is in addition of a strong nationalist, anti-imperialist and anti-oligarchic thought, holding national liberation and the construction of a "nationalist socialism" as its main objectives.
La Tendencia gained importance during the Peronist resistance period, fighting for the return of Peron and facing the civil-military dictatorships prior to the Campora government, with whom they also established a strong relationship in his government by promoting the creation of agrarian and educational reforms, the rise in real wages, industrialization of the interior of the country and the union of Argentina to the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Due to its leftist and radical ideology, his followers began to be attacked by the most "orthodox" sectors of Peronism, culminating in the infamous "Ezeiza massacre", an event that corresponds to Peron's definitive return to Argentina and implied the repression and death of multiple revolutionary Peronists at the hands of "orthodox" armed groups.
The "Triple A" (Argentine Anticommunist Alliance) was a far-right parapolice terrorist organization of fascist, mostly Peronist (but some of its leaders, such as Alberto Villar and Luis Margaride, were anti-Peronists), traditionalist and anti-communist ideals that arose in Argentina during the third presidency of Peron, and in the subsequent government of Isabel Peron, after Lopez Rega was appointed as Minister of Social Welfare under Campora's term.
Lopez Rega coordinated the Triple A with the help of Villar (who was responsible for converting the original organization of Lopez Rega into a parastatal death squad), Margaride and others such as Julio Yessi, Anibal Gordon and Juan Ramon Morales, with the aim of persecuting individuals classified as "zurdos" ( leftists, that ranged from members of la Tendencia and left-wing Peronists in general to Marxists, social democrats, radicals, LGBT people, feminists and supporters of the liberation theology). He had the support of Peron (although his exact level of involvement is debated, it is accepted that he was aware of the Triple A operations and even participated in the drafting and signing of a classified document declaring war against the "Marxist infiltrators" in the Peronist movement), the Italian anti-communist lodge "Propaganda Due" and the CIA, having solid contact with Ambassador Robert Hill, and engaging with the Triple A in the perpetration of acts of terrorism, torture, and kidnappings corresponded to a process of "internal purification" in the Peronist movement. Lopez Rega was also known as "el Brujo" (the Warlock) due to his affinity with esotericism, a subject on which he had written multiple books and in which he was specialized in zodiacs.
The activities of the Triple A began to dissipate when in 1975, after the resignation of Lopez Rega due to the violent reactions to the economic plan of the then Minister of Economy Celestino Rodrigo (the "Rodrigazo", an economic adjustment plan that caused a huge rise in inflation and shortages, in addition to strong opposition from the unions), squadrons of grenadiers (of the Regiment of Mounted Grenadiers "General San Martín") raided the presidential headquarters and extracted an entire arsenal of weapons, forcing Lopez Rega into exile in Spain after an emergency decree was signed to declare him an itinerant ambassador. With Isabel Peron in solitude, the National Reorganization Process proceeded and Lopez Rega alternated destinations after multiple extradition requests, until he finally turned himself in Miami, being arrested by FBI agents and dying in Argentina on June 9, 1982, awaiting his sentence.
"Libertarian Peronism" is an economically center-right (wants a kind of Social Market Economy) and culturally syncretic internal current of Peronism proposed by Daniel Montoya that defends the use of the Peronist political structure and movement for the expansion of right-wing libertarianism in Argentina. It seeks to join both libertarian and classical liberal movements as a kind of "Peronist leg" and transfer Peronist militants to them.
Libertarian Peronism opposes Kirchnerism and the Tendencia Revolucionaria, and derives from a moderate sector of orthodox Peronism, of affinity with Menemism. It supports a tax cut on the working class, the reduction of the State in favor of the expulsion of the "political caste" and the disappearance of corruption, the liberalization of the external market to attract foreign capital and the shortening of regulations in the economy to facilitate the development of SMEs (Small and medium-sized enterprises), while maintaining certain regulations.
Libertarian Peronism has acted so far in the 3rd electoral section of Buenos Aires, with a conformation made up of former candidates for councilors and mayors on behalf of Roberto Lavagna and adhering to the economic plan of Jose Luis Espert and his party "Avanza Libertad" (currently integrated into Juntos por el Cambio).
They hate Argentine Radicalism, despite some big similarities, since they're their main political rivals. As any Argentinian, they hate the British due to losing the Falkland Wars.
How to Draw
Drawing Peronism requires a few steps:
- Draw a ball
- Draw a Light-blue line and fill the right part with the same color and the left part with white.
- Draw the Justicialist symbol
- Add the eyes, and you're done!
|Light-blue||#74ACDF||116, 172, 223|
|White||#FFFFFF||255, 255, 255|
- Illiberal Democracy - Democracy is good as long as I'm the one to get elected.
- Social Authoritarianism - I like where this is going...
- National Syndicalism - How I got to power.
- Welfare Chauvinism - Keeping books on social aid is capitalistic nonsense.
- Longism - Pretty much my American equivalent.
- Protectionism - Gotta P R O T E C T the national industry.
- Fascism - My influential father influenced my economic views very much. Benito was epic ngl.
- Clerical Fascism - "Justicialism is a new philosophy of life: simple, practical, of the common people, and profoundly Christian and humanist."
- Populism - We need support from our folks, whatever the cost!
- Keynesian School - The govt go spenddd.
- Francoism - He let me spend my exile in his country.
- Falangism - "Justicialism and Falangism are the same thing separated only by space."
- Kakistocracy - I appointed my third wife who didn't even get middle education as VP. What can possibly go wrong?
- Guevarism - Good friend, but what's all this foco stuff?
- Hector J. Campora Thought - "...estos aventureros marxistas están entrando en el gobierno, ¡este es un gobierno de putos y de aventureros!".
- Social Democracy - I like labor parties though they seem to be very mild when compared to me.
- Paternalistic Conservatism - I liked the tories back when they actually cared about the common man.
- Capitalism - I don't despise you but you have to be really well-controlled by really powerful unions, labor laws, tariffs, etc... and pay lots of taxes.
- Left-Wing Populism - Too much left-wing for my tastes, other than my kirchnerist side.
- Nazism - Thanks for all the gold and talented refugees such as Skorzeny, but why the antisemitism?
- Esoteric Fascism - I harbor you, but you really scare me.
Don't look up Jose Lopez Rega.
- National Capitalism - I supported Stroessner in the Paraguayan civil war of 1947 and he in return saved my life in 1955!
but Videla instead overthrew me in 1976.
- National Bolshevism - I don't know exactly what you are but, Joe Baxter is based.
- Left-Wing Nationalism - We're pretty similar but you want to establish socialism instead of just limiting capitalism and nationalizing certain services. Also, you should stop putting bombs everywhere...
- Authoritarianism - People keep confusing me with you. No, I am not a dictator, I'm a conductor.
- Caudillismo - For the last time I'm not a dictator I'm a CONDUCTOR know the difference!
- Socialism of the 21st Century - My Menemist side wants to kill you but my Kirchnerist side loves you. Idk what to say...
- Classical Liberalism - Don't tell anyone (especially him), but I always considered myself something of a classical economist.
- Neoliberalism - Disgraceful globalists, you destroyed Argentina!!!
I'll only tolerate you because my Memenist side likes you and I can use you if it's convenient, ¡PERO LAS MALVINAS SON ARGENTINAS!
- Progressivism - ¡Progres!
Though my Kirchnerist side loves you.
- Mileism - Yeah, you are one of those libertarados, but looking back, and as Guillermo Moreno said, you really capture the rebellious spirit of peronism, you just need to mature. Also, my Menemist side likes you.
- Anti-Centrism - I know my party has meant and means a lot of different things, but we're not that extreme.
- White Nationalism - Now, I'm not a racist. All I'm saying is that, unlike Mexicans, who came from the Indians, and Brazilians, who came from the jungle, we Argentinians came from boats from Europe.
- Nacionalismo - My... let's say, antiquated father. I started as his secretary of labor before rising above him.
- National Liberalism - On my federalist side you are alright, I guess. At least you are a sovereignist.
- Pinochetism - Allende was actually not that good and in fact I supported you but you are pro-imperialist.
- Allendism - "If you want to do as Allende, then look how it goes for Allende. One has to be calm."
- American Model & Marxism - Ni yanquis ni marxistas, ¡peronistas!
- Neoconservatism - YOU KILLED MY COUNTRY [Censored]!
- Authoritarian Capitalism - Right-wing dictatorships destroyed our country.
- Austrian School - Your ideas don't correspond to reality. Económicamente estás en la edad del pavo.
- Conservative Liberalism - No more oligarchies and agro-export model!!
- Imperialism - I hate England, go away, PIRATES!
- Libertarianism - You want to go back to laissez-faire capitalism and reduce the power of unions. Also quit calling me Socialist!
- Radicalism - You are the only one who can stop me from winning the elections.
- Anti-Fascism - LITERALLY ARAMBURU!
- Indigenism - ¡Balas originarias para esos pueblos originarios!
- La razón de mi vida (My mission in life) by Manuel Penella de Silva (translated by Ethel Cherry)
- Peron, a biography by Joseph Page
- Eva Perón, the myths of a woman by Julie Taylor
- Juan Perón and the reshaping of Argentina by Frederick Turner
- Peronism Is Fascism by Judas and Zoltanous
- Juan Perón: The Leader of Justicialism | A Revolutionary Figure in Argentine Politics | 1946 - 1974 by TheJayLino (best explanation)
- What is Peronism? by BadEmpanada
- How Did ARGENTINA'S Long CRISIS Begin? by VisualPolitik
- Evita and Juan Perón: Argentina’s Power Couple by Biographics
- Not kidding, she dropped out after 5th grade of school