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"If I had not been born Perón, I would have liked to be Perón."

Peronism is a transversal, syncretic and third-positionist political ideology sustained in the nationalist and union-based doctrine that was formed around the figure of Juan Domingo Perón since the mid-1940s. Peronism defends variable ideals given its populist and pragmatic origin, and although it calls itself left-leaning and labourist, it has adopted multiple economic (such as social democracy and neoliberalism), civic (with actions ranging from statist to authoritarian that led it to be compared with fascism, but at the same time having left-libertarian and revolutionary supporters) and cultural (mostly progressive, but with conservative and reactionary factions) frameworks since its creation to adapt to the changing and largely unstable political environment of Argentina.

The "classical" or "historical" Peronism of Perón and Evita is synthesized in the 20 Peronist Truths (or Tenets) and in the principles of economic independence, social justice and political sovereignty, borrowing inspiration from Mussolini's Fascism and Hitler's Nazism and proposing a corporatist, welfarist, environmentalist, protectionist, industrialist, syndicalist and labourist, anti-communist and anti-marxist , culturally pragmatic (but mostly progressive) and civically authoritarian socioeconomic system of a Christian nationalist character (although later Perón would find himself confronted to the Catholic Church in his second term).


The seizure of power by Perón and the origins of Peronism (Proto-Peronism)

Supporters of Perón on 17 October 1945 on the Plaza de Mayo

In the late 1930s, "nacionalistas" groups gained strength, some of which were oriented towards the idea of the corporative state model of European fascism, propagated social justice ("justicia social") and found strong approval among the members of the urban industrial proletariat. In the spirit of this political current, which advocated a third way between capitalism and socialism, the nationalist military of the Grupo de Oficiales Unidos (GOU) staged a coup named "Revolution of '43" against the ruling regime of Ramón Castillo, the last of the de facto presidents of the "Década Infame" (Infamous Decade), a period that began after the overthrow of President Hipólito Yrigoyen and that was characterized by promoting a conservative, fraudulent and reactionary model based on corporatist and statist principles.  Juan Domingo Perón, accompanying Arturo Rawson, Pedro Ramírez and Edelmiro Farrell, participated in this coup as a junior officer.

With the alliance between the socialist and revolutionary union currents (represented by Juan Atilio Bramuglia , Ángel Borlenghi and Luis Gay) and Perón, together with Colonel Domingo Mercante, already established, a profound reform was developed in terms of labor rights, collective labor agreements and social security. Perón would lead the Department of Labor, which would soon be elevated to the Ministry of Labor and Welfare, repealing anti-union decrees and establishing policies to "dignify work". The Peronist welfare state was soon conceived and the unions were strengthened, causing immediate opposition from business sectors and the conservative wing of the military government that would condense into anti-Peronism. The Argentine economy, deeply affected and in crisis after the Great Depression of 1929, underwent rapid industrialization through import-substitution and enjoyed large internal migrations from the rural interior to the urban periphery. The quality of life grew enormously and the working class was expanded, emerging a nationalist-laborist current of syndicalism within the unified 'Confederación General del Trabajo'" (CGT) (General Confederation of Labor) that rejected Soviet communism and laid the foundations of Peronism.

In this period prior to the 1946 elections, the conflict of Spruille Braden with Perón and Hortensio Quijano (candidate for vice president) would be unraveled. Braden, as the United States ambassador in Argentina, developed a great rivalry with Perón that would lead him to be used as the face of American imperialism.

Perón's first term (1946 to 1952)

The popularity of Perón, who had risen to vice president, was soon perceived as a threat by the most conservative sectors of the military government. Edelmiro Farrell and Eduardo Ávalos forced him to resign and he and Eva Perón, his wife, were finally arrested in 1945 in the Martín García Island. On October 17 of the same year (a date considered the birth of Peronism and also know as the "Día de la Lealtad", or Day of Loyalty), he returned to office under massive pressure from his followers, whom initiated spontaneous strikes and mass rallies in his support. At this insistance, democratic elections were held in February 1946, in which Perón, as a candidate of the "Partido Laborista" (Labourist Party, led by Luis Gay), was elected president by a large majority. After the elections, the Labourist Party would be dissolved and Peronism would be divided into the Peronist Party, the Female Peronist Party (led by Eva Perón) and the syndicalist Peronism concentrated in the CGT; thus beginning the first of Peron's terms.

Through the establishment of a comprehensive welfare state and social reforms that contributed to achieving high social and economic indicators – condensed in the Primer Plan Quinquenal (First Five-Year Plan), an industrialist state-planning program that sought to guarantee the economic independence of Argentina –, Perón secured broad popular support, ensuring that the remuneration of labor exceeded that of capital and increasing the presence of union delegates in the workplace. This period would be headed by the "Wizard of Peronist finance" Miguel Miranda, that implemented policies such as the nationalization of the Central Bank and the creation of public companies, import tariffs, the founding of the IAPI (Argentina Institute for Promotion of Exchange) as a state monopoly of foreign trade to strengthen the industry with resources from the agricultural sector, and a general increase in wages and public employment, to achieve full employment and promote domestic industry. The results would be primarily positive, with modest growth in industrial GDP.

Then, as a consequence of the growth of the Peronist movement and union demands, a Constitutional Reform would be carried out to modernize the Argentine Constitution and incorporate second-generation human rights ), also describing the social function of private property (subject to the common good) and economic interventionism as fundamental.

The economic and social prosperity experimented at the moment, however, began to wane in the wake of a phase of economic weakness initiated in 1949 and continued in the begginings of the 50's, with the ending of the postwar trade surplus. Faced with this productive slowdown, Perón attempted to repproach to the United States and modified his economic plan to reverse the high fiscal deficit (largely as a result of growing public spending and monetary emission) and stagnation. At the end of 1951, with a drought and a drop in agricultural prices, a more orthodox economic team formed by Alfredo Gómez Morales and Antonio Cafiero set out to rethink its strategies to face the inevitable crisis that was brewing to explode around 1952 – one that until that moment had hit the country with an enormous drop in real wages and record inflation –. Then, Perón brought forward the elections from 1952 to November 1951, achieving re-election by a landside with Eva Perón as vice president (thanks to the support of syndicates) and beginning his second term on June 1952, with a high tension between peronists and anti-peronists. Before taking office, Perón announces to the country the "Plan de Emergencia Económica" (Emergency Economic Plan), a mixed austerity plan that incorporated orthodox-liberal economic measures with syndicalist ones.

Perón's second term (1952-1955)

In 1952, the plan is put into action and there is a sharp narrowing in public spending, reducing mainly the public works sector. Attached to this, and consequently, the fiscal deficit is considerably decreased; state loans are limited and, as part of his strategy, Perón agrees to an increase in wages and freezes them for two years, promoting saving and production among workers and discouraging consumption. Private investment is also fomented and foreign capital is attracted, allowing the establishment of multinational companies. This would be the same year in which Evita would die, on July 26.

In 1953, the measures of the "Plan de Emergencia Económica" were expanded and formalized with the "Segundo Plan Quinquenal" (Second Five-Year Plan), which maintained the orthodox measures but accompanied them with some interventionist ones, such as the price agreement, a tenacious opposition to speculators and government incentives for the development of the agricultural sector. The stabilization plan began to bear fruit and objectives such as lowering inflation were quickly achieved.

Real wages, however, never increased, and multiple sectors of the economy were affected, earning Perón multiple labor strikes and an increasingly strained relationship with the militar opposition, which responded violently to the disappearances of oppositors of the government and the devotion that began to take shape around the figure of Perón and his wife, which used to be manifestated through acts commonly denoted as "social indoctrination techniques". These signs of wanting to "Peronize" society (forcing public employees to join the PJ, establishing the reading of books such as La razón de mi vida as mandatory in schools and provincializing la Pampa and Chaco as "Provincia Eva Perón" and "Provincia Presidente Perón", etc) would lead to terrorist acts by anti-Peronists such as the Plaza de Mayo Attack on April 15, 1953, to which Peronist civil groups would respond by burning the headquarters of opposition political parties.

One of the most notable events during this period would also be Perón's break with Catholicism and the separation of church and state, adopting the law of divorce and the secularization of schools in 1954.

Overthrow, Peronist Resistance/Neoperonism (1955 to 1973) and split in the movement

Finally, in 1955, the civic-military dictatorship self-proclaimed "Revolución Libertadora" (Liberating Revolution), headed by generals Eduardo Lonardi and Pedro Aramburu, overthrew Perón on September 16, 1955; after a failed attempt on June 16, 1955, where a group of designated soldiers bombed the Casa Rosada and the Plaza de Mayo in hopes of killing Perón. This cicle is marked by a policy of "de-peronization" of society attached to events such as the kidnapping of Evita's corpse and the proscription of Peronism in Lonardi's government; in addition to the Levantamiento de Valle (Valle's uprising) (failed uprising of the General Juan José Valle against Aramburu's dictatorship) that would lead to the Fusilamientos de José León Suárez (Executions of José León Suárez) – in which Valle himself and several civilians would be killed) – and the dictatorship to be called "Revolución Fusiladora" (Executing Revolution).

In the following years, after Perón fled into exile and the Revolución Libertadora ended in 1958, the presidency rotated between radicals and military dictators. Arturo Frondizi was the first of them, and he had a broad confrontation with the Peronist sectors due to their economic policy and government acts. Even so, he allowed the participation of the Neoperonist party "Unión Popular" (Popular Union) in the 1962 elections to renew half of the deputies and elect provincial governors, in which Peronism emerged triumphant in several of the provinces. Andrés Framini would be the new governor of Buenos Aires, and although Frondizi annulled the election, this caused the military forces to carry out a coup on March 29 of the same year, putting the civilian José María Guido in office under the "ley de acefalía" (law of succession). Guido, with military pressure, put the Congress in reccess and called for elections in 1963, in which Arturo Umberto Illia, for the "Unión Cívica Radical del Pueblo" (Radical Civic Union of the People), was elected president. Illia removed the ban on the PJ, but he did not allow Perón to return to the country; and in June 26, given the weakness of his government, the military finally intervened in a process known as the "Revolución Argentina" (Argentine Revolution); protagonized by Generals Juan Onganía, Roberto Levingston and Alejandro Lanusse.

In this period of time, from 1955 to 1973 (Cámpora's presidency), the "Peronist Resistance" was initiated, a period in which autonomous unions, neighborhood and student organizations, among others, opposed and resisted dictatorships and civil governments that followed the departure of Perón. Attached to this uprising, Neo-Peronism arose, as a tendency that defended Peronist ideas against the ban of the movement, with its highest fronts being the "Unión Popular Federal" (Federal Popular Union) and the refounded Partido Laborista (Labourist Party). In response to the acts of oppression of the civic-military dictatorships and from constitutional government (such as the one of Frondizi and Guido), the different branches of Peronism responded from clandestinity using various tactics from the boycott of public and private companies, attempts at political participation (the aforementioned Neo-Peronist parties, for example) and even acts of terrorism.

A new generation of syndicalist leaders would also emerge, the most prominent of them being Augusto Vandor (general secretary of the Metallurgical Worker Union), who would carry out his own movement (Vandorism) within the Neoperonist current, defending a "Peronism without Perón" that would soon be perceived as a threat by the most orthodox sectors of Peronist syndicalism and by Perón himself. With Vandor killed in 1969, José Ignacio Rucci and Lorenzo Miguel (backed by Perón) would continue his legacy, but within the orthodoxy and seeking to unify the CGT before the arrival of Perón. 

Perón's third term

After the military regime of the "Revolución Argentina" failed to get control over the country's economic problems and faced the civil uprisings of the Cordobazo (1969) and the Viborazo (1971), democratic elections were held in 1973. The military was unable to keep the PJ away from the government and reluctantly allowed it to participate, but without Perón's presence. Héctor José Cámpora ran as the presidential candidate of Peronism, in an electoral alliance called the "Frente Justicialista de Liberación" (FREJULI), an anti-imperialist gathering of conservative, christian democrat, socialist, radical and Peronist parties, with the latter being the majority. He won the elections and began his short presidential term, known as the "Primavera Camporista" (Camporist Spring), distinguished for the policies of social agreements between the government, unions and employers (Social Pact), the adoption of a non-alignment position in the Cold War and Cámpora's progressive visions. Cámpora quickly removed the ban on Perón so that he would settle permanently in Argentina and participate in the elections on September of the same year, after Cámpora and his vice president, Vicente Solano Lima resigned from their charges. In this short period of time, Raúl Alberto Lastiri temporarily held the position of president as an interim before the elections and immediately outlawed the ERP (Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo) (People's Revolutionary Army), which functioned as the guerrilla structure of the PRT (Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores) (Revolutionary Party of Workers).

When Perón arrived to the country, the tense relations between the orthodox Peronists and the "Tendencia Revolucionaria" (Revolutionary Tendency) led to the "Masacre de Ezeiza" (Ezeiza Massacre), a mass murder occurred at the Ezeiza Airport, where both sectors of Peronism gathered to receive their leader. Supporters of revolutionary Peronism were then shot by members of the "Comando de Organización de la Juventud Peronista" (CdO) (Peronist Youth Organization Command), an insurrectionary Peronist organization that rejected both the center-left and center-right factions of Peronism. Perón then ran for president with his wife, Isabel Perón, under the FREJULI, and won by wide difference. With the unstable panorama of Peronism and the murder of Rucci, Perón decided to return to his traditionalist and orthodox roots, attacking Marxism and seeking its total elimination from the movement. He proposed an industrialist policy commanded by José Gelbard (who had already been Minister of Economy of Cámpora and Lastiri), kept the Social Pact and reaffirmed a non-aligned international position in favor of Third World integration. He also approved the operations of the "Alianza Anticomunista Argentina" (Triple A) (Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance), which was in charge of persecuting militants of revolutionary Peronism and was led by José López Rega and Alberto Villar.

Gelbard enjoyed initial success within the framework of the Social Pact: he diversified the foreign market and achieved the largest trade surplus in Argentinian history, in addition to achieving (virtually) full employment. However, when international inflation unbalanced the fixed prices, a "great national joint meeting" was called to update prices and a corporate black market began to emerge due to the hoarding of goods from the business sector. Furthermore, the gigantic fiscal deficit and the artificially low exchange rate caused the loss of international reserves.

The Navarrazo, endorsed by Perón, would then occur in February 1974, with the province of Córdoba being intervened, and Ricardo Obregón Cano (moderately affiliated with the left-wing of Peronism that threatened the idea of ​​a centralized syndicalism) and Atilio López removed from power in a police coup led by Antonio Domingo Navarro (chief of the Córdoba police removed by Obregón Cano). This would increase tensions between the Perón government (aligned with orthodoxy) and the sectors of revolutionary Peronism ( la Tendencia, mainly Montoneros), causing a rupture that would be formalized on May 1, 1974. Perón, giving a speech on the occasion of the International Workers' Day, would respond bluntly to the chants of la Tendencia, who would decide to withdraw from the popular demonstration, being indirectly expulsed. Thanks to this, the process of integrating the Juventud Peronista (JP) (Peronist Youth) as the fourth branch of the Peronist movement would be abandoned, getting that status later.

Perón finally died in July 1, 1974, and Perón's wife, Isabel Perón (previously vice president), took over the presidency with a deteriorated economic situation and rising inflation. She, advised by López Rega and Emilio Massera, carried out an orthodox economic plan after dismissing Gelbard as minister and favored the persecution of leftist university students through parapolice groups. Operation Independence of 1975 would stand out among these state-terrorist actions, being the first major operation of the Dirty War that began in 1974; this confrontation would occur in Tucumán between the military and the ERP guerrilla, constituting the first decree of annihilation.

In her presidency there were a total of 5 Ministers of Economy after Gelbard: Alfredo Gómez Morales, Celestino Rodrigo, Pedro José Bonanni, Antonio Cafiero and Emilio Mondelli. The most relevant of them, Rodrigo, would be the material author of the Rodrigazo: a program of economic shock, devaluation of the peso and tax increase that triggered inflation, produced shortages and provoked an immediate reaction from the CGT, which would conduct its first strike towards a Peronist government. Rodrigo and López Rega subsequently resigned from their positions, leaving a crisis that their successors were unable to reverse.

Between September 13 and October 16, 1975, absenting for health reasons, Isabelita designated Ítalo Luder, provisional president of the senate, to exercise executive power. Luder would sign three more decrees of annihilation and would begin a process of militarization of Argentina, maintaining a notable condescension with the military sector to fight against "subversion" (how the left-wing guerrillas and other revolutionary sectors were called). The idea of ​​an institutional coup would be frustrated with the return of Isabelita to the presidency, who would firmly reject the possibility of resigning and leaving Luder as her successor.

In a panorama of destabilization and an increase in guerrilla activity, and after a failed attempt in 1975, the military coup self-proclaimed "Proceso de Reorganización Nacional" (National Reorganization Process) was executed in 1976 and Isabel Perón was arrested.

Military dictatorship 1976 to 1983

Violent protests by left-wing, Peronist students in Rosario in 1969 against the banning of the PJ.

With the establishment of the National Reorganization Process – as part of the Operation Condor – , originally led by Jorge Rafael Videla, Emilio Massera and Orlando Agosti; the dictatorship began to effect a state-terrorist scheme against people of "subversive" ideals (including Marxists, social democrats, syndicalists, revolutionary Peronists, etc.), unleashing imprisonment, disappearances, torture, murder and kidnapping of children. After the dissolution of the single CGT and the reorganization of syndicalism, a fairly divided Peronism opposed to dictatorship (represented by the CGT-Brasil of Saúl Ubaldini) then resisted through trade unionism and human rights organizations, while the Azopardo branch of the CGT and some members of the PJ took a "dialoguist" position with the dictatorship.

Although at first both CGT supported the Falklands War, in the disbandment of the dictatorship after the defeat, they joined in a general strike backed by the "multipartidaria" (multiparty, coordinated political action of the PJ, UCR, PI [6], PDC [7] and MID[8]) demanding democratic elections and precipitating the fall of the civic-military dictatorship.

Role in the democratization of Argentina after 1983

Reynaldo Bignone, the last of the military dictators of Argentina, was forced to begin a democratic transition and prepare the 1983 elections, where the two national traditional political forces faced each other: Peronism (PJ), under Ítalo Luder and Deolindo Bittel (both ensured by the Orthodox), and radicalism (UCR), under Raúl Alfonsín.

Raúl Alfonsín, who in the name of the UCR (Unión Cívica Radical/Radical Civic Union) defended a social democratic system characterized by liberal values and the protection of civil liberties, ended up winning the election supported by the bad image that Isabel Perón had left in the PJ due to her authoritarian acts. Peronism was forced to take a new direction for the election of 1989, that would develop in an internal process known as the "Peronist Renovation" headed by Carlos Menem (with a federalist focus), Antonio Cafiero (with a "modernizer" focus) and Carlos Grosso (with a more "social christian" focus) in the PJ, with the aim of guiding the party under the democratic ideals that Alfonsín espoused in his campaign and displacing the orthodox Peronists and the members of la Tendencia from their power in the movement and in the trade unions.


Twenty Peronist Tenets (or Truths)

From Perón's "Peronist Philosophy":

  1. "A true democracy is that one in which the government does what the people want and defends only one interest: the people's."
  2. "Peronism is essentially of the common people. Any political elite is anti-people, and thus, not Peronist."
  3. "A Peronist works for the movement. Whoever, in the name of Peronism, serves an elite or a leader, is a Peronist in name only."
  4. "For Peronism, there is only one class of person: those who work."
  5. "In Perón's new Argentina, working is a right that creates the dignity of men; and it's a duty, because it's fair that everyone should produce as much as they consume at the very least."
  6. "For a good Peronist, there is nothing better than another Peronist." (In 1973, after coming back from exile, in a conciliatory attempt, and in order to lessen the division in society, Perón reformed this tenet to: "For an Argentine, there is nothing better than another Argentine.")
  7. "No Peronist should feel more than what he is, nor less than what he should be. When a Peronist feels more than what he is, he begins to turn into an oligarch."
  8. "When it comes to political action, the scale of values of every Peronist is: the homeland first; the movement second; and thirdly, the men."
  9. "Politics are not an end for us, but only the means for the well-being of the homeland, which is happiness for our children and national greatness."
  10. "The two arms of Peronism are social justice and social assistance. With them, we give a hug of justice and love to the people."
  11. "Peronism desires national unity and not struggle. It wants heroes, but not martyrs."
  12. "In the new Argentina, the only privileged ones are the children."
  13. "A government without doctrine is a body without soul. That's why Peronism has a political, economic and social doctrine: Justicialism."
  14. "Justicialism is a new philosophy of life: simple, practical, of the common people, and profoundly Christian and humanist."
  15. "As a political doctrine Justicialism realizes the equilibrium between the rights of the individual and those of the community."
  16. "As economic doctrine Justicialism realizes the social economy, placing capital at the service of the economy and the latter at the service of social well-being."
  17. "As a social doctrine Justicialism realizes social justice, which gives every person their right in a social function."
  18. "We want a socially just, economically free, and politically sovereign Argentina."
  19. "We constitute a centralized government, an organized state, and a free people."
  20. "In this land, the best thing we have, is our people."



Flag of Kirchnerism

Kirchnerism is an economically center-left to left-unity and culturally moderate to progressive ideology based on the ideological postulates of the presidencies of Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) and Cristina Kirchner (2007-2015), gathered in a period called the "Década Ganada" (Won Decade) by supporters. It brings together social democratic, socialist, Marxist, "radical K" (Kirchnerist radical) and Alfonsinist (of President Raúl Alfonsín) parties in a nationalist and left-wing populist movement that focuses on social justice, human rights and progressivism. It also has great support from the sector of "Militant Peronism" and from "La Cámpora", an organization made in honor of Héctor Cámpora that is dedicated to Kirchnerist militancy and the promotion of human rights.

It arose within the crisis of December 2001 in Argentina (a social, economic and political crisis motivated by the slogan "All of them must go!" that caused the resignation of President Fernando de la Rúa and triggered the rotation of the presidential power until 2003; included in this process 4 Peronist presidents: Ramón Puerta, Adolfo Rodríguez Saá, Eduardo Camaño and Eduardo Duhalde) with the interim presidency of Eduardo Duhalde underway, when the Grupo Calafate (Calafate Group, a group originally directed by Duhalde and coordinated by Alberto Fernández that brought together anti-Menemist sectors and maintained as its main objective to avoid the "re-reelection" of Menem) presented Néstor Kirchner and Daniel Scioli as the presidential ticket, losting the first round by a simple majority of Menem. Menem, wanting to avoid a humiliating defeat predicted for the runoff, withdrew, leaving Néstor Kirchner as president. He was then succeeded by his wife, Cristina Kirchner, in two presidential terms and in a vice presidency in the government of Fernández.

Kirchnerism can be summarized in the following economic and social tenets:

  • State intervention in the economy;
  • Industrialization and developmentalism;
  • Accumulation of reserves in the Central Bank;
  • Immediate payment of the external debt and the avoidance of its accumulation;
  • Fiscal balance to ensure a low fiscal and trade deficit (at least in theory);
  • Maintenance of the exchange rate at high levels to favor competition and exports;
  • Anti-Neoliberalism (the Kirchners had a positive political relationship with Menem at first, but they turned on him later): a fervent opposition to the policies called "neoliberal" by the Kirchners, including "adjustment" measures, privatizations, shrinking of the state and cuts in public spending, liberalization of the internal and external markets, debt contraction, etc;
  • Regional alignment and rejection of free trade agreements with the United States ;
  • Promotion of human rights through the state and organizations like the UN;
  • Gender and sexuality policies (although Kirchnerism was always ambivalent regarding abortion, with a sharp rejection by Néstor Kirchner and an ambiguity by Cristina Kirchner that was only broken with the approval of the Voluntary Interruption of Pregnancy Law in 2020, in the Fernández's government);
  • Social justice and a tendency to appeal to left-wing populism.
Kirchnerism (Néstor)

Néstor Kirchner held center to center-left economic ideals and moderate progressive cultural positions, being in favor of the LGBT community and feminism, but opposing abortion. He proposed a more moderate social democratic system than his wife's, focusing on income recovery (doubling the middle class), favoring exports and expressing the need for fiscal balance.

The presidency of Néstor Kirchner was characterized by a broad and constant GDP growth driven by the 2000's commodities boom together with a fiscal and commercial surplus (the so-called "twin surpluses") and a drop in unemployment and poverty (inflation values increased, however, until the end of his term), the total cancellation of the debt contracted with the IMF (which represented the 9% of the total public debt), high exportations, devaluation of the currency through the Central Bank, increase in public services, fiscal balance, opposition to the hegemonic media (such as Clarín and La Nación) and an active human rights policy to amend the damages and convict those responsible for the National Reorganization Process. With the rebounding economy that he had received after Duhalde's enormous fiscal adjustment, Néstor managed high positive indicators (mainly with Roberto Lavagna as minister of economy) with moderate social democratic measures and ended his term in 2007, supporting his wife in her candidacy for the elections. He finally passed away on October 27, 2010, from a cardiac arrest.

Cristina Kirchner Thought

Cristina Kirchner held center-left economic ideals and progressive cultural positions, proposing a social democratic economic scheme with a Keynesian and left-wing populist tendency that defends a greater state intervention in the market compared to Néstor's policies. She advocated the approval of abortion as vice president and had a strong affinity for feminist movements. She is normally referred by her initials "CFK" (Cristina Fernández de Kirchner).

Cristina Kirchner ran with the approval of Néstor Kirchner in the 2007 elections, along with Julio Cobos. She won in the first round by a large margin and consolidated as president. Her first period (2007-2011) was marked by the intervention in the INDEC (nucleated in the CPI sector: Consumer Price Index) by Guillermo Moreno, which caused a sanction by the IMF and a general nebulosity in the data added to the underestimation of inflation and the unreliable measures of GDP. It can be affirmed, even so, that Cristina's presidency maintained remarkable indicators, avoiding the 2008 crisis with the profitable commodities boom that persisted in her term: the constant decline in poverty, indigence, unemployment and foreign debt continued, the strengthening of foreign relations was achieved through an autonomist and Latin Americanist policy, and progressive policies were deepened, embodied in the legalization of same-sex marriage and the approval of gender identity laws. The Ministry of Economy was occupied by three different officials: the first, Martín Lousteau, who was the author of "Resolution 125", a series of withholding tax measures that tried to capture part of the income obtained by the field with the favorable period and ended up provoking a convoluted national conflict between the agricultural sector and Kirchnerism; the second, Carlos Fernández; and the third, Amado Boudou, future vice president and president of ANSES (National Social Security Administration;) who was in charge of the elimination of the AFJP (Administradora de Fondos de Jubilaciones y Pensiones) (Retirement and Pension Fund Administrator), private companies that were dedicated to the administration of funds generated by contributions pensioners.

Cristina Kirchner then ran for the 2011 elections together with Amado Boudou as vice president, managing to be the first woman re-elected in America. Her second period (2011-2015) was characterized by an inconsistent economic growth, a notable drop in reserves, increase in foreign debt and uncontrolled inflation – which would rise to 38% and then stabilize until it dropped to 26% –, restriction on the dollar and imports, the nationalization of YPF and the conflict with the vulture funds. With the Ministry of Economy under the tutelage of Axel Kicillof, poverty data stopped being published because it was considered "stigmatizing" and "complex" concept. This attitude and the measures taken by the government developed into a general malaise that fueled the idea of ​​a political change, which would later come with the candidacy and election of Mauricio Macri in 2015.

After Macri's term, that left negative macroeconomic indicators and contracted high debt, Cristina Kirchner resolved to present herself as vice president accompanying Alberto Fernández for the 2019 elections. They achieved a victory in the first round, and the Fernández's government began; which, in a context of the Russo-Ukrainian War and the COVID-19 pandemic, failed in the management of the country and caused great damage to the economy, with inflation, unemployment, poverty and the "blue dollar" – the one that operates outside of the State intervention – on the rise. The differences between Cristina and Alberto overflowed and they staged multiple clashes, with the vice president distancing herself from him during his presidential term. In 2022, Cristina Kirchner was sentenced to 6 years in prison and perpetual disqualification from holding public office in the political corruption case known as "Causa Vialidad" (whose sentence had already been written in 2016) for fraudulent administration aggravated by presumably to have been committed to the detriment of the public administration. She, giving up the chance to be president, and qualifying the sentence as an attempt at "lawfare" and defamation by the hegemonic media, decided to support Sergio Massa's candidacy for the 2023 elections; who lost again Javier Milei.


Tacuarism is an economically Third Positionist, culturally reactionary and civically authoritarian ideology based on the ideals of the Tacuara Nationalist Movement, an insurrectional, fascist, Falangist and neo-nazi heterogeneous political organization that brought together various ideological currents under the objective of establishing a national-syndicalist state in Argentina. The Tacuaras spread a Catholic, anti-Semitic, anti-communist, anti-capitalist, anti-oligarchic, anti-imperialist and anti-zionist platform that supported the fight against Judaism and the promotion of Nacionalismo as their highest principles. They sought the formation of a "revolutionary aristocracy" that would establish a third positionist, corporatist, militarist and Catholic national-syndicalist system whose government, in opposition to the parliament and the electoral system, would be selected by chambers of labour, with a State that would control the strategic economic sectors without annulling private property.

Its members were originally active in the Unión Nacionalista de Estudiantes Secundarios (Nationalist Union of Secondary Students), a third position student organization that was a branch of the Nationalist Liberation Alliance. After separating from them due to their turn to Peronism and opposition to the Church, they continued their criminal activities with the help of the nationalist sectors of the police and the Armed Forces, who saw in the group a youth force to stop the advance of the "communist danger" in Argentine society.

As a political organization, the Tacuara Movement suffered multiple splits and divisions: the new militants were open supporters of Peronism, left-wing ideologies and anarchist ideologies , and many leaders of the movement began a process of ideological transformation towards adverse positions. The two main factions were represented by the priest Julio Meinvielle and the French anthropologist and former member of the Waffen-SS, Jacques de Mahieu. Mahieu, a vehement supporter of the Peronist movement, encouraged many members of Tacuara to join the Peronist Resistance, a cause rejected by Meinvielle, who impetuously accused the original core of Tacuara of having been led astray by "Marxist deviations" and criticized Peronism for remaining neutral with the international climate of the Cold War and refusing to support the United States (the "lesser evil"), which according to him led to the indirect validation of the bloc of "anti-Christian" nations made up of the Soviet Union and its allies. Meinvielle then founded a parallel ultra-nationalist, ultra-Catholic and anti-Semitic group baptized as the "Nationalist Restoration Guard". Shortly after, Dardo Cabo also separated from the movement and founded the New Argentina Movement, one of the first right-wing Peronist formations. The biggest rupture, however, was that of the sector headed by Joe Baxter and José Luis Nell, who structured the Tacuara Nationalist Revolutionary Movement and migrated towards left-wing nationalist ideals close to Marxism, acquiring an anti-capitalist and anti-Catholic profile, in opposition to anti-Semitism and with an important connection with the left-wing sectors of Peronism that would later form FAR-Montoneros.

Tacuara began its decline with the exit of a large part of its members to organizations of the extreme right and left of Peronism. Baxter founded the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP), Nell joined FAR-Montoneros, Cabo joined the Vandorist movement, while other members ended up collaborating with the Triple A and the military dictatorship in the 70's. Formally, the Tacuara Nationalist Movement ceased to operate in 1966.


Biondinism is a far-right, Fourth Positionist and culturally traditionalist ideology based on the ideas of Alejandro Biondini, his son César Biondini and his political parties, New Triumph and Federal Patriot Front. It is of anti-Zionist, orthodox Peronist, nacionalista, ultranationalist, ultraconservative, militarist, anti-communist, anti-feminist, anti-LGBT and anti-globalization ideals, and, although it has been denied on multiple occasions by Biondini himself and his supporters, it is often described as neo-Nazi, neo-fascist, reactionary and antisemite by the press. Biondini and his followers claim to identify with Juan Manuel de Rosas and the Federals. They propose the rejection of any boundary treaty with neighboring countries that has resulted in the surrender of territory (implying belligerent positions with bordering nations, specifically Chile), the reconstitution of the armed forces, the illegalization of same-sex marriage and abortion, compulsory military service, zero tolerance for crime, claiming the state of Palestine as legitimate, expulsion of the Israeli embassy, ​​breaking relations with the United Kingdom until full sovereignty over the Falkland Islands is obtained and an anti-liberal and Christian nationalist economic order that places the state as a rector of the private life of people and of the economy, which it would control for the "common good". They are opposed to Kirchnerism (which they despise for supposedly endorsing values from Marxism and Montoneros) and describe themselves as 'Peronists of Perón', adhering to populist measures such as increased public spending and the nationalization of public service companies that reside in hands of the private sector, but mixing them with other orthodox ones as a resounding reduction in taxes to a total of 18.

The New Triumph Party emerged in 1990 as a derivation of another group founded by Biondini: National Alert, a division of the Justicialist Party that eventually disintegrated. The party was originally called the "Nationalist Workers' Party" with the intention of copying the name of the Nazi Party (German National Socialist Workers' Party). Biondini tried to obtain legal status on multiple occasions, until it was definitively denied by the Supreme Court and the organization ended up dissolving in 2009.

The Federal Patriot Front (originally called the Patriot Front Neighborhood Flag), on the other hand, achieved definitive legal status and participated in some presidential elections after merging with other political parties.


Menemism is an economically center-right to right-wing and culturally conservative ideology that comes from the policies of Carlos Menem in his two terms (1989-1995 and 1995-1999). It would be represented first in the FREJUPO (Frente Justicialista de Unidad Popular) (1989) (Popular Unity Justicialist Front) and then in the Frente por la Lealtad (2003) (Front for Loyalty) as an internal current of Peronism in the JP (Justicialist Party). As an ideology it has been defined as "neoliberal", "neopopulist", nationalist liberal, right-wing populist and conservative by different Argentine media, and can be understood as a successor to orthodox Peronism. Political figures who currently call themselves Menemists are Miguel Pichetto and his party Encuentro Republicano Federal (Federal Republic Encounter), Martín Menem, among others. Menemism can be summarized in the following economic and social tenets:

  • Partial adherence to the economic measures proposed in the Washington Consensus;
  • Trade opening, tariff reduction and economic globalization;
  • Fiscal balance (sometimes in practice, sometimes just in theory), state reduction and strategic privatizations (a majority of them related to prebendary businessmen and corruption);
  • Deregulation of the economy and price freedom;
  • A theoretical "anti-imperialism" (with pro-western positions anyway) and a subtle conservatism;
  • Political pragmatism.

Taking stock of both presidential periods, public spending went from 30 to 33 points of GDP, also increasing the fiscal deficit, primary spending, public debt (external and internal), unemployment and poverty rates. Inflation would be one of the strongest points, being contained and relegated to almost zero levels.

Menem's Presidency (1989-1999)

Menem ran for president, along with Eduardo Duhalde, after defeating the other presidential ticket of the PJ composed of Antonio Cafiero and José Manuel de la Sota. Under the promise of a "salariazo" (general increase in salaries) and a "productive revolution", he was supported by other sectors of Peronism and syndicalism, achieving a resounding victory in the first round and surpassing the radical Eduardo Angeloz. Once his victory was consummated, Menem assumed the presidency five months earlier than stipulated due to the resignation of the then-president Raúl Alfonsín, consequence of the deep hyperinflation that was plaguing the economy. Seeking to solve the situation and straighten out the economic outlook, the elected president then meets with Bunge & Born, an Argentine economic board and appoints Miguel Ángel Roig (general executive vice president of the corporation) as his minister of economy. He would suddenly die before carrying out his financial plan, the "BB" Plan (abbreviation of the aforementioned multinational), inspired by the economic postulates of Lawrence Klein and which proposed, among other things, promoting exports, raising and fixing the value of the dollar, creating a new currency, autonomizing the Central Bank, privatizing state companies, etc. This would force Menem to replace him with Néstor Rapanelli, also part of Bunge & Born as vice president.

With Rapanelli in charge, the Menemist government partially adheres to the measures outlined by John Williamson in the Washington Consensus, achieving the unblocking of World Bank credits and managing to convince the entity to support the privatization of several state companies under the State Reform Law, approved in August 1989. The first privatizations were those of the telephone company Entel (with which the Argentine telephone service was modernized, increasing its popularity) and Aerolíneas Argentinas (Argentinian Airlines), followed by the road network, television channels (except ATC), most of the railway networks and Gas del Estado (State Gas). Despite the economic income provided by privatizations, a second hyperinflationary cycle could not be avoided, causing Rapanelli to be replaced by Antonio Erman González. He, faced with a huge internal debt due to the discriminated issuance of public securities with high interest rates and non-payment to suppliers and longing to control the rise in prices, would be the architect of the economic shock program Plan Bonex (BONos EXternos) (Bonex Plan) (External Bonds). This price stabilization plan would consist of exchanging all fixed terms (temporary deposit of money in the bank, which it then returns plus the interest generated) for state dollar bonds called "Bonex 89", which matured in 1999; also prohibiting banks from temporarily receiving deposits. Minister Erman, in his homonymous resolutions (Erman I, Erman II, etc) took multiple measures to accompany this process, liberalizing the exchange market, reducing monetary issuance, public spending and state personnel (suspending tenders, expenses and hiring), shrinking the state administrative apparatus, etc. The impact on Argentines with a fixed term was sharp and caused a general distrust in the people, who would begin to disbelieve in bank savings, as a prelude to the Corralito in 2001. Even so, inflation decreased and was contained, and a surplus was reached in trade balance.

Erman González finally submitted his resignation in 1991, after the corruption scandal popularly known as "Swiftgate", in which he and Emir Yoma, presidential advisor and brother-in-law of Menem, were involved. It was a complaint presented by the Swift-Armour refrigeration company to the United States embassy (which Ambassador Terence Todman supported in a note dedicated to the Argentine government), in which they alleged the reception of requests for bribes so that the state would expedite the release of taxes on the company's products.

Domingo Cavallo would take the reins of the Ministry of Economy by establishing the convertibility law, a scheme that would mark the parity of the dollar with a new currency: the "convertible" peso, which would eliminate the austral from circulation. Liberal economic measures similar to the Washington Consensus would be expanded, highlighting a generalized opening to foreign trade with the reduction of tariffs, quotas and import prohibitions; more privatizations of public companies (related to Menemist corruption, but they had positive effects on electrical, telephone, water and sewage services; while having detrimental ones on railway transport), the reorganization of the tax system and a temporary curtailment of the state; the industry, however, would be punished by low salaries and high taxes, which would favor cheap foreign products. In this period the AFJPs would be established for the reform of the retirement system and the economy would remain stable with the disinflation process linked to positive indicators in terms of economic growth, foreign investment, poverty, etc- Unemployment rates, regardless, would continue to rise, trade deficit would emerge and the fiscal deficit would reappear due to the Tequila Crisis in Mexico. This would not overshadow, anyway, the results of Cavallo's management and Menem's presidency, which would lead him to win the 1995 elections in the first round, defeating José Octavio Bordón, of the party PAIS (Política Abierta para la Integridad Social) (Country, Open Policy for Social Integrity).

After the re-election of Menem in 1995 with Carlos Ruckauf as vice president, Cavallo would continue as head of the Ministry of Economy, facing the consequences of the Tequila Effect with high unemployment and underemployment rates, a deindustrialized economy (situation that would be aggravated after he authorized an increase in the internal VAT of 16% to 21%) and other factors that led to the government taking external debt. The first crisis of the second Menemist period would then come, which would last from 1995 to 1997, as a result of the depreciation of the Brazilian Real and other currencies, and also due to the 1997 Asian financial crisis. In the midst of this event, Cavallo would be replaced by the then president of the Central Bank, Roque Fernández, who would take office in 1996 to mitigate unemployment.

After an entire year in economic recession, activity would grow again, leaving the Mexican crisis behind. Privatizations would continue, this time of Correo Argentino, Aeropuertos Argentinos 2000 and YPF; unemployment would fall in 1997 and the economy would continue its upward trend until 1999, receiving a hard blow with the second crisis of convertibility in 1998-1999, that happened within the crisis in Russia, the devaluation of the ruble and the Samba effect. From this moment on, unemployment rates deepened and the economic recession worsened due to the public debt resulting from the fiscal deficit accumulated since 1995, a problem that would extend until 2001 with the social outbreak in the presidency of Fernando de la Rúa (who would win the elections against Duhalde in 1999 and appoint Cavallo as his economy minister, the future structurer of the Corralito). Convertibility would end in 2002, under the presidency of Eduardo Duhalde.

In the 2003 elections, Menem would run for president alongside Juan Carlos Romero, seeking the "re-re-election". He would secure a victory in the first round, but finding himself disadvantaged in the runoff and with a predicted defeat, he would end up relegating, leaving Néstor Kirchner as president.

Federal Peronism

Federal Peronism or Dissident Peronism is a term used to describe a heterogeneous and oscillating group of non-Kirchnerist leaders who are allied under a federal profile. It is economically variable (with nationalist/developmentalist, fiscally conservative, social democratic and Third Way factions), culturally progressive conservative (with conservative factions) and civically statist. It originates in the framework of the 2003 elections under the so-called "neolemmas law", which allowed three PJ candidates to run in the general elections to compete against each other, presenting themselves in practice as if they were part of different parties: Néstor Kirchner (Front for Victory), Carlos Menem (Front for Loyalty) and Adolfo Rodríguez Saá (Popular Movement Front). After Néstor Kirchner won the elections, an opposition Peronism would be formed, with two predominant factions established around Menem and Saá. The Federal PJ would end up breaking up in 2019, after the dissolution of Alternativa Federal (an alliance that brought together figures such as Miguel Pichetto, Sergio Massa, Juan Schiaretti, Juan Urtubey, etc), with Pichetto running as vice president of Mauricio Macri in the elections of the same year, while Massa would join the Frente de Todos to be part of the future government of Alberto Fernández and Urtubey would join Consenso Federal with Roberto Lavagna. Federal Peronism persists today through parties such as Encuentro Republicano Federal, Hacemos por Nuestro País and ideological currents such as the "peronismo cordobés" (Peronism of Córdoba).

Orthodox Peronism

Orthodox Peronism, also called National Justicialism, mainly refers to the right-wing sector of Peronism fervently opposed to la Tendencia and any other Marxist or left-wing interpretation of Peron's ideas, sticking to the traditional bases of the movement and reaffirming a Third Position distanced from both the socioeconomic systems of the United States (Capitalism) and the Soviet Union (Communism). It has a culturally ultra-conservative profile and defends a national-syndicalist and corporatist system similar to the first Peronism, but turning more openly to fascism and incorporating some ideas of a neoliberal nature while appealing to right-wing populist rhetoric to justify ideological aspects like anti-Semitism and conspiracy theories related to a "Marxist synarchy". It also strongly adheres to the fundamentalism of the 20 Peronist Truths and advocates a "revisionist" nationalism in its historical reading.

As an ideology it was strongly verticalist in the Peronist Resistance, rejecting both the revolutionary and leftist currents of Peronism (a long conflict that would be consummated in the Ezeiza massacre) and the more "dialoguist" (in favor of negotiating with dictatorships and the radical civil governments until the return of Perón, such as Vandorism) or reconciling sectors of Neoperonism, maintaining an unrestricted loyalty to Perón. After participating as a fundamental faction in syndicalism during the Peronist Resistance, orthodox Peronism would take on great importance in Perón's third term and in the subsequent presidency of Isabel Perón with José López Rega.

Tendencia Revolucionaria

"Tendencia Revolucionaria" (Revolutionary Tendency) or Revolutionary Peronism is the name given to the leftist and insurrectional sector of Peronism, formed gradually between the 60s and 70s. With economically left to extreme left (factions) and culturally progressive stances, it interprets Peronism as a nationalist variant of Christian socialism molded to the Argentine cultural context and advocates armed struggle and other combative stances – such as the planting of bombs known as "caños" –, as legitimate strategies for its defense. It is also of a strong nationalist, anti-imperialist and anti-oligarchic thought, holding national liberation and the construction of a "nationalist socialism" as its main objectives.

La Tendencia gained importance during the Peronist resistance period, fighting for the return of Perón and facing the civil-military dictatorships prior to Héctor Cámpora's government, with whom they also established a strong relationship in his government by promoting the creation of agrarian and educational reforms, the rise in real wages, industrialization of the interior of the country and the union of Argentina to the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Due to its leftist and radical ideology, his followers began to be attacked by the most "orthodox" sectors of Peronism, culminating in the infamous "Ezeiza massacre", an event that corresponds to Peron's definitive return to Argentina and implied the repression and death of multiple revolutionary Peronists at the hands of "orthodox" armed groups.

La Tendencia was made up of Montoneros and FAR, as core guerrilla organizations, and also by others terrorist formations, such as the Peronist Armed Forces and the Uturuncos.

Triple A

The "Triple A" (Argentine Anticommunist Alliance) was a far-right parapolice terrorist organization of fascist, Peronist (but some of its leaders, such as Alberto Villar and Luis Margaride, were anti-Peronists), traditionalist and anti-communist ideals that arose in Argentina during the third presidency of Perón, and in the subsequent government of Isabel Perón, after José López Rega was appointed as Minister of Social Welfare under Héctor Cámpora's term.

López Rega coordinated the Triple A with the help of Villar (who was responsible for converting the original organization of López Rega into a parastatal death squad), Margaride and others such as Julio Yessi, Aníbal Gordon and Juan Ramón Morales, with the aim of persecuting individuals classified as "zurdos" ( leftists, that ranged from members of la Tendencia and left-wing Peronists in general to Marxists, social democrats, radicals, LGBT people, feminists and supporters of the liberation theology). He had the support of Perón (although his exact level of involvement is debated, it is accepted that he was aware of the Triple A operations and even participated in the drafting and signing of a classified document declaring war against the "Marxist infiltrators" in the Peronist movement), the Italian anti-communist lodge "Propaganda Due" and the CIA, having solid contact with Ambassador Robert Hill, and engaging with the Triple A in the perpetration of acts of terrorism, torture, and kidnappings corresponded to a process of "internal purification" in the Peronist movement. López Rega was also known as "el Brujo" (the Warlock) due to his affinity with esotericism.

The activities of the Triple A began to dissipate when in 1975, after the resignation of López Rega due to the violent reactions to the economic plan of the then Minister of Economy Celestino Rodrigo (the "Rodrigazo", an economic adjustment plan that caused a huge rise in inflation and shortages, in addition to strong opposition from the unions), squadrons of grenadiers (of the Regiment of Mounted Grenadiers "General San Martín") raided the presidential headquarters and extracted an entire arsenal of weapons, forcing López Rega into exile in Spain after an emergency decree was signed to declare him an itinerant ambassador. With Isabel Perón in solitude, the National Reorganization Process proceeded and López Rega alternated destinations after multiple extradition requests, until he finally surrendered in Miami, being arrested by FBI agents and dying in Argentina on June 9, 1982.

Syndicalist Peronism

"Syndicalist Peronism" or "union Peronism" is what the third branch of Peronism is called: the syndicalist, considered the backbone of the movement. It is an ambiguous current, but predominantly left-wing economically (identified with anarcho-syndicalism and revolutionary syndicalism) and socially progressive. It revolves around the figure of Juan Domingo Perón as the "first worker", defending the union of the workforce, the establishment of unions that protect the interests of workers and a state that guarantees the rights of workers as a fundamental part of Peronism.

It finds its roots in the nationalist-laborist expression (to which union leaders such as Alcides Montiel, Lucio Bonilla and Cipriano Reyes joined) that preceded Peronism and in the alliance that the unified CGT (after the intervention and dissolution of the CGT No. 2 for supporting communist ideals considered "extreme") sought with the pro-union sectors of the military government of the Revolution of '43, and has been substantial for the birth, maintenance and general structure of the movement; being mostly represented by the modern CGT.

After an essential participation in Perón's first government (promoting the October 17 march and the constitutional reform of '49, catapulting Evita to the vice presidency, forming a union state in Chaco, etc), Peronist syndicalism would receive a hard blow with the Liberating Revolution of 1955. The Aramburu government would intervene in the unions, replacing them with anti-Peronist "comandos civiles ("civil commandos"), and after a failed "Congreso Normalizador" (Normalizing Congress), the CGT would suffer its first fracture, dividing into two groups:

  • 62 Organizations: opposed to the dictatorship, of Peronist ideals and initially with communist members (who would later separate).
  • 32 Democratic Guilds: of anti-Peronist and independent ideals, with radical and socialist members.

The regional CGT of Córdoba, which at that time was the only one over which its workers had control, would organize the historic "Programa de La Falda" (Program of La Falda) in 1957, where they would define the labor movement as favorable towards the anti-imperialist ideas of the national liberation movements (aligned with the NAM and the Third World) and as supporter of a planned state economy with strong participation of unions. As a result of this, a new generation of Peronist syndicalist leaders would emerge, among whom were included: Augusto Vandor (UOM), Andrés Framini (AOT), Amado Olmos (Health) and Atilio López (Urban Collective Transport).

The national Peronist syndicalism, contained in the 62 Organizations, would be affected by another internal breakdown with Perón in exile:

  • Orthodox (called "authentic" in Córdoba): in favor of an internal vertical association (movement conducted by a leader), traditionalist and intransigent that responds directly to Perón's ideas, rejecting dialogue with other syndicalist currents. Represented by the 62 standing with Perón and supported by Perón himself during his exile. Led by José Alonso.
  • Legalists: opposed to orthodox verticalism, moderate and pragmatic, in favor of dialogue with other syndicalist currents and an institutional (legal) syndicalism independent of Perón. Represented by the "Loyal to Perón"/62 Vandorists and with an internal distinction between the democratic legalists and the Vandorists (collaborationists, participacionists and "dialogists" with the dictatorship, in favor of a Peronism without Perón with Vandor as leader). Led by Augusto Vandor.

By 1963, after the political system collapsed with a coup against Arturo Frondizi, who had applied the CONINTES (Internal State Commotion) plan to justify a repressive regime against syndicalism and also defend himself from certain left-wing guerrillas, the CGT would be normalized under the presidency of Arturo Illia. He, however, would maintain a conflictive position with syndicalism; and when he was overthrown in 1966, the dictatorship of the "Argentine Revolution" would receive support from both factions of the national CGT (which the CGT Córdoba would oppose), until another internal discord would occur, grouping Peronist syndicalism into two main factions:

Between 1969 and 1971, the Cordobazo and the Viborazo occurred, and Vandor was also murdered in the so-called "Operation Judas." The idea of ​​a "Peronism without Perón" would then be discarded, but collaborationist practices would persist within the Peronist syndicalist orthodoxy (mainly thanks to Rogelio Coria) and the 62 Organizations would be unified under the leadership of José Ignacio Rucci; with Lorenzo Miguel remaining in charge of the UOM. The tensions between the different factions of the CGT Córdoba would not cease, however.

Legalists and independents (not-Peronists leftists) would finally reach an agreement to which the orthodox would not adhere, withdrawing to approach the national Peronist syndicalism and leaving the CGT Córdoba in the hands of legalist pluralism and independent "combativismo" ("combativism"). Rucci and Miguel would then ally themselves with the orthodox in the hope of unifying all the workers' confederations into a single CGT, counting on the adhesion of the workers of the dissolved Sitrac-Sitram ("clasistas" or "classist" unions of Córdoba, of the revolutionary left, opposed to the dictatorship and from the Concord and Materfer companies).

Rucci would be assassinated by Montoneros in 1973 in the "Operation Traviata", and with Perón in his third presidency, the government would persecute combative and revolutionary syndicalism. Perón would reform the union laws to establish a central, vertical and unified syndicalism while the conflict between orthodox and legalists persisted, which would lead to a campaign of terror by the Peronist Right (mainly the Triple A and finally to the Navarrazo. With the other syndicalist currents persecuted, the orthodox would gain control of the CGT until Perón's death in 1974, when Isabel Perón would take over and discard the union policy of the Social Pact to implement the Rodrigazo. Syndicalist Peronism would respond with multiple strikes, the situation calming down only with the appointment of Antonio Cafiero as Minister of Economy; while the large business groups, on the other hand, would call for an employer lock-out that would promote forms of "economic subversion".[9]

With the National Reorganization Process in control of the country, union leaders would be disappeared or arrested and the unions would be intervened, while José Martínez de Hoz carried out an anti-syndicalist and gradualist economic plan inspired in part by the Chicago School and other neoliberal tendencies. Collective bargaining was suspended and labor rights were settled, with the CGT intervening and forcing syndicalism to reorganize into two sectors:

  • Confrontationism: confronted to the dictatorship, concentrated in the Commission of "the 25" and then in the CUTA (Conducción Única de los Trabajadores Argentinos) (Single Leadership of Argentine Workers) and the CGT-Brasil. Led by Saúl Ubaldini.
  • Dialoguism: in favor of dialoguing and negotiating with the dictatorship, concentrated in the CNT and then in the CGT-Azopardo. Led by Jorge Triaca Sr.

The CGT, having joined the ICFTU (International Confederation of Free Trade Unions), received help from this organization and from others such as the WCL (World Confederation of Labor). However, the WFTU (World Federation of Trade Unions) would remain neutral in this regard due to the strong commercial relationship between the Soviet Union and the military dictatorship of Jorge Videla and Roberto Viola.

The CGT-Brazil, despite its anti-dictatorship stance, would support the Falklands War under a patriotic vision, until the defeat and fall of the military government; it would then be that both CGT (Brasil and Azopardo) would carry out a historic general strike to demand democratic elections. This would finally be achieved in 1983, with the victory of Alfonsín, who as a campaign strategy would denounce a "military-union" pact and oppose the Peronist unions in his presidency, sending a union law without consulting the Peronist syndicalism. The unions would respond with 13 consecutive strikes, forcing him to negotiate with them.

With Menem's victory in 1989, the CGT, surprised by its economic turnaround, would divide into a total of 4 groups:

  • Syndicalist Menemism: in favor of Menem's liberal measures and cooperating with him. Led by Luis Barrionuevo.
  • The Fat Ones: in favor of negotiating without confronting him openly. Composed by service unions who today support Héctor Daer.
  • MTA-Moyano: in favor of confronting him without breaking the CGT. Led by Hugo Moyano, Alicia Castro y Juan Manuel Palacios in the MTA (Movimiento de los Trabajadores Argentinos) (Argentine Workers Movement), which would later be divided into the MTA-Moyano and Núcleo del MTA (MTA's Core).
  • The CTA: in favor of confronting it by creating a new union center. Led by Peronist-christians who created the CTA (Argentine Workers' Central Union), which in the future would be divided into the CTA-A (Autonomous, "maintaining" the autonomy of the CTA, led by Hugo Godoy) and the CTA-T (Workers, with kirchnerist ideals, led by Hugo Yasky)

All these historical currents (except the MTA) would be maintained from the Kirchnerist presidencies, also emerging the trend of "Aligned to Moyano" (from the leadership of Hugo and Pablo Moyano).

Libertarian Peronism

Libertarian Peronism is an umbrella term that encompasses the most anti-authoritarian and anti-bureaucratic expressions of the Peronist movement that claim the libertarian filaments of Perón, as a "driver of disorder" and supporter of the "state as a slave of the people", and adhere to his ideas under pragmatic reasons. Although it is usually used for satirical purposes, it is a term that can be attributed to the most radical Menemists such as Jorge Castro and left-wing libertarians such as Horacio González and multiple members of la Tendencia. It can be summarized in three main trends: Right-Wing Libertarian Peronism, Left-Wing Libertarian Peronism and Anarcho-Peronism.

  • Right-Wing Libertarian Peronism is an economically center-right (wants a kind of social market economy) and culturally syncretic internal current of Peronism proposed by Daniel Montoya that defends the use of the Peronist political structure and movement for the expansion of libertarianism in Argentina. It seeks to join both libertarian and classical liberal movements as a kind of "Peronist leg" and transfer Peronist militants to them. Libertarian Peronism opposes Kirchnerism and the Tendencia Revolucionaria, and derives from a moderate sector of orthodox Peronism, of affinity with Menemism. It supports a tax cut on the working class, the reduction of the state in favor of the expulsion of the "political caste" and the fight against corruption, the liberalization of the external market to attract foreign capital and the shortening of regulations in the economy to facilitate the development of SMEs (Small and medium-sized enterprises), while maintaining certain regulations.


Peronism is very formal, pragmatic and patriotic and you will see him boasting about the greatness of Argentina in every possible aspect. He praises General Perón whenever he can, has a picture of Evita in his fridge and usually mocks radicals (except for Balbín). He loves animals (mainly poodles), sports like football (his favourite teams are Boca Juniors and Racing) and fencing, asado, mate, tango, the potato pie, fiscal deficit and everything that is "national and popular". He is usually calm, but will lose his composure at the slightest comparison with Nazis and harbors a deep hatred for English people, whom he usually calls "pirates" and insults because of the Malvinas. He can't stand gorillas and detests "Yankee" imperialism.

Every October 17 he has a schizophrenic attack in which he accuses Menemism, Kirchnerism and the rest of his children of not being true Peronists and not following the doctrine.

How to Draw

Flag of Peronism

Drawing Peronism requires a few steps:

  1. Draw a ball
  2. Draw a Light-blue line and fill the right part with the same color and the left part with white.
  3. Draw the Justicialist symbol
  4. Add the eyes, and you're done!
Color Name HEX RGB
Light-blue #74ACDF 116, 172, 223
White #FFFFFF 255, 255, 255



  • Political Cultism - ¡VIVA PERÓN!
  • Illiberal Democracy - Democracy is long as I'm the one to get elected
  • Populism - We need support from our folks, whatever the cost!
  • Nationalism - For an Argentine, there is nothing better than another Argentine.
  • Social Authoritarianism - I like where this is going...
  • Progressive Conservatism - See? This is the kind of thinking I like. I'm also skeptic about those postmoderns, but societies need to progress. A balance is needed.
  • Corporatism - My main economic system.
  • Industrialism - We need a strong national industry.
  • Protectionism - We have to protect the national industry. Just forget about Menem.
  • Regulationism - Capital must be put at the service of the economy, and the economy at the service of social well-being.
  • Anti-Communism & Anti-Capitalism - I am not a supporter of capitalism or communism (private property is necessary, anyway).
  • Syndicalism Thank you for basically helping me build my entire movement, we both want to dignify work. Just ignore the fact that Menem betrayed you.
  • National Syndicalism - Friend, is it possible that I am looking in a mirror?
  • Christian Nationalism - "Justicialism is a new philosophy of life: simple, practical, of the common people, and profoundly Christian and humanist." I broke relations with the Catholic Church in my second government, though.
  • Welfare Chauvinism - "Keeping books on social aid is capitalistic nonsense".
  • Communitarianism - An organized community!
  • Eco-Nationalism & Eco-Authoritarianism - "We must protect our natural resources tooth and nail from the voracity of international monopolies that seek them to feed an absurd type of industrialization and development in the high-tech centers where the market economy rules".
  • Longism - Pretty much my American equivalent.
  • National Distributism - It seems that there is no disagreement of any kind between us, a pleasure to consider you an ally.
  • Francoism - He let me spend my exile in his country. But why didn't you want to receive me at first?
  • Falangism - "Justicialism and Falangism are the same thing separated only by space."
  • Kakistocracy - I appointed my third wife who didn't even get middle education as vice president. What can possibly go wrong?


  • Guevarism - Good friend, but what's all this foco stuff?
  • Left-Social Democracy - "...estos aventureros marxistas están entrando en el gobierno, ¡este es un gobierno de putos y de aventureros!".
  • Social Democracy - I like labor parties, though they seem to be very mild when compared to me.
  • Paternalistic Conservatism - I liked the Tories back when they actually cared about the common man.
  • Libertarian Paternalism - Believe me...I was not referring to this when I said that the state was a slave of the people.
  • Social Economy - Well, yes, I practice a social economy, but I didn't mean this either.
  • Capitalism - I don't despise you, but you have to be really well-controlled by powerful unions, labor laws, tariffs, etc... and pay lots of taxes.
  • Socialism - Too far, private property is unbreakable.
  • Left-Wing Populism - Too much left-wing for my tastes, other than my kirchnerist side.
  • Fascism - Well, I don't approve your totalitarian demeanor, but you could say I took some inspiration from you. Mussolini was a great man who knew what he wanted.
  • Nazism - Thanks for all the gold and talented refugees such as Skorzeny, but why the antisemitism?
  • Esoteric Fascism - I harbor you, but you really scare me. Don't look up José López Rega.
  • National Capitalism - I supported Stroessner in the Paraguayan civil war of 1947 and he in return saved my life in 1955! but Videla instead overthrew me in 1976.
  • National Bolshevism - I don't know exactly what you are, but Joe Baxter was a fantastic guy, he seemed capable of making the revolution alone.
  • Left-Wing Nationalism - We're pretty similar, but you want to establish socialism instead of just limiting capitalism and nationalizing certain services. Also, you should stop putting bombs everywhere...
  • Totalitarianism - People keep confusing me with you. No, I am not a dictator, I'm a conductor.
  • Caudillismo - For the last time, I'm not a dictator, I'm a CONDUCTOR. Know the difference!
  • Socialism of the 21st Century - My Menemist side wants to kill you, but my Kirchnerist side loves you. A bit conflicting, to say the least...
  • Classical Liberalism - Well, I'm a classical, but not a liberal by any means.
  • Keynesian School - Useful theories, but I'm not a Keynesian.
  • Neoliberalism - Disgraceful globalists, you destroyed Argentina!!! I'll only tolerate you because my Memenist side likes you and I can use you if it's convenient, ¡PERO LAS MALVINAS SON ARGENTINAS!
  • Progressivism - ¡Progres! Though my Kirchnerist side loves you.
  • Mileism - I mean, yes, you are one of those libertarados, but you really capture the rebellious spirit of peronism. Just mature and make a good presidency, chango, but know with precision that without an economic plan you are going to get depressed soon.
  • Anti-Centrism - I know my party has meant and means a lot of different things, but we're not that extreme.
  • Nacionalismo - My... let's say, antiquated father. I started as his secretary of labor before rising above him.
  • National Liberalism - On my federalist side you are alright, I guess. At least you are a sovereignist.
  • Allendism - "If you want to do as Allende, then look how it goes for Allende. One has to be calm."
  • Pinochetism - Well, I in fact supported you, but you're pro-imperialist.
  • White Nationalism - Now, I'm not a racist. All I'm saying is that, unlike Mexicans, who came from the Indians, and Brazilians, who came from the jungle, we Argentinians came from boats from Europe.


Further Information