Peronism: Difference between revisions
From Polcompball Wiki
Jump to navigationJump to search
m
no edit summary
PuwunToast (talk | contribs) mNo edit summary |
PuwunToast (talk | contribs) mNo edit summary |
||
Line 677:
Menem ran for president, along with [[File:EduardoDuhalde.png]] [[Fiscal Conservatism|Eduardo Duhalde]], after defeating the other presidential ticket of the PJ composed of [[File:Pron.png]] [[Christian Democracy|Antonio Cafiero]] and [[File:CentristPeronism.png]] [[Christian Democracy|José Manuel de la Sota]]. Under the promise of a "salariazo" (general increase in salaries) and a [[File:Indust.png]] [[Industrialism|"productive revolution"]], he was supported by other sectors of [[File:Pron.png]] Peronism and [[File:SyndieSam.png]] [[Syndicalism|syndicalism]], achieving a resounding victory in the first round and surpassing the radical [[File:Argrad.png]] [[Radicalism|Eduardo Angeloz]]. Once his victory was consummated, Menem assumed the presidency five months earlier than stipulated due to the resignation of the then-president [[File:Argrad.png]] Raúl Alfonsín, consequence of the deep hyperinflation that was plaguing the economy. Seeking to solve the situation and straighten out the economic outlook, the elected president then meets with Bunge & Born, an Argentine economic board and appoints [[File:Newkeynes.png]] [[Keynesian School#New_Keynesianism|Miguel Ángel Roig]] (general executive vice president of the corporation) as his minister of economy. He would suddenly die before carrying out his financial plan, the [[File:Monet.png]] [[Monetarism|"BB" Plan]] (abbreviation of the aforementioned multinational), inspired by the economic postulates of [[File:NuKeynesPix.png]] [[Keynesian School#Neo-Keynesianism|Lawrence Klein]] and which proposed, among other things, promoting exports, raising and fixing the value of the dollar, creating a new currency, autonomizing the [[File:Central_bank.png]] [[Financialism|Central Bank]], privatizing state companies, etc. This would force Menem to replace him with [[File:Newkeynes.png]] [[Keynesian School#New_Keynesianism|Néstor Rapanelli]], also part of Bunge & Born as vice president.
With Rapanelli in charge, the Menemist government partially adheres to the measures outlined by [[File:Neoliberal-icon.png]] [[Neoliberalism|John Williamson]] in the [[File:WashingtonConsensus.png]] [[Neoliberalism|Washington Consensus]], achieving the unblocking of [[File:IMF.png]] World Bank credits and managing to convince the entity to support the privatization of several state companies under the State Reform Law, approved in August 1989. The first privatizations were those of the telephone company Entel (with which the Argentine telephone service was modernized, increasing its popularity) and ''Aerolíneas Argentinas'' (Argentinian Airlines), followed by the road network, [[File:Mediastocracy_flair.png]] television channels (except ATC), most of the railway networks and ''Gas del Estado'' (State Gas). Despite the economic income provided by privatizations, a second hyperinflationary cycle could not be avoided, causing Rapanelli to be replaced by [[File:
Erman González finally submitted his resignation in 1991, after the corruption scandal popularly known as [[File:CronyCap.png]] [[Kleptocracy|"Swiftgate"]], in which he and [[File:StateIlleg.png]] [[Kleptocracy|Emir Yoma]], presidential advisor and brother-in-law of Menem, were involved. It was a complaint presented by the Swift-Armour refrigeration company
[[File:Conlib.png]] [[Conservative Liberalism|Domingo Cavallo]] would take the reins of the Ministry of Economy by establishing the convertibility law, a scheme that would mark the parity of the dollar with a new currency: the "convertible" peso, which would eliminate the austral from circulation. Liberal economic measures similar to the [[File:WashingtonConsensus.png]] [[Neoliberalism|Washington Consensus]] would be expanded, highlighting a generalized opening to foreign trade with the reduction of [[File:Tariff.png]] [[Protectionism|tariffs]], quotas and import prohibitions; more privatizations of public companies (related to Menemist corruption, but they had positive effects on electrical, telephone, water and sewage services; while having detrimental ones on railway transport), the reorganization of the tax system and a temporary curtailment of the state; the [[File:Industrial.png]] industry, however, would be punished by low salaries and high [[File:Tax.png]] taxes, which would favor cheap foreign products. In this period the [[File:Gero.png]] [[Fiscal Conservatism|AFJPs]] would be established for the reform of the retirement system and the economy would remain stable with the disinflation process linked to positive indicators in terms of economic growth, foreign investment, poverty, etc
After the re-election of Menem in 1995 with [[File:
The first crisis of the second Menemist period would then come, which would last from 1995 to 1997, as a result of the depreciation of the [[File:Cball-Brazil.png]] Brazilian Real and other currencies, and also due to the [[File:PanAsian.png]] 1997 Asian financial crisis. In the midst of this event, Cavallo would be replaced by the then president of the [[File:Central_bank.png]] [[Financialism|Central Bank]], [[File:
After an entire year in economic recession, activity would grow again, leaving the Mexican crisis behind. Privatizations would continue, this time of Correo Argentino, Aeropuertos Argentinos 2000 and YPF; unemployment would fall in 1997 and the economy would continue its upward trend until 1999, receiving a hard blow with the second crisis of convertibility in 1998-1999, that happened
In the 2003 elections, Menem would run for president alongside [[File:
===[[File:FedPron.png]] Federal Peronism [[File:FedPeron-Alt.png]]===
Federal Peronism or Dissident Peronism is a term used to describe a heterogeneous and oscillating group of [[File:Anti-Kirch.png]] non-Kirchnerist leaders who are allied under a [[File:Fed.png]] [[Federalism|federal]] profile. It is economically variable (with [[File:EconNat.png]]
[[Protectionism|nationalist/developmentalist]], [[File:Fiscon.png]] [[Fiscal Conservatism|fiscally conservative]], [[File:Socdem.png]] [[Social Democracy|social democratic]] and [[File:3way.png]] [[Third Way|Third Way]] factions), culturally [[File:Progconf.png]] [[Progressive Conservatism|progressive conservative]] (with conservative factions) and civically statist.
It originates in the framework of the 2003 elections under the so-called "neolemmas law", which allowed three PJ candidates to run in the general elections to compete against each other, presenting themselves in practice as if they were part of different parties: [[File:Kirch.png]] [[Social Democracy|Néstor Kirchner]] (Front for Victory), [[File:Menem.png]] [[Conservative Liberalism|Carlos Menem]] (Front for Loyalty) and [[File:
The Federal PJ would end up breaking up in 2019, after the dissolution of [[File:Fed.png]] [[Federalism|Alternativa Federal]] (an alliance that brought together figures such as [[File:Nationalconservativeliberalism-icon.png]] [[National Liberalism|Miguel Pichetto]], [[File:CentristPeronism.png]] [[Moderatism|Sergio Massa]], [[File:
Federal Peronism persists today through parties such as [[File:RepubPron.png]] [[National Liberalism|Encuentro Republicano Federal]]
===[[File:OrthPeron.png]] Orthodox Peronism===
Orthodox Peronism, also called National Justicialism, mainly refers to the [[File:RightPeronism.png]] right-wing sector of Peronism fervently opposed to [[File:Montoneros.png]] [[Left-Wing Nationalism|''la Tendencia'']] and any other Marxist or [[File:LeftPeronism.png]] left-wing interpretation of Peron's ideas, sticking to the traditional bases of the movement and reaffirming a [[File:3P.png]] Third Position distanced from both the socioeconomic systems of the [[File:AmericanModel_1.png]] [[American Model|United States]] (Capitalism) and the [[File:Cball-USSR.png]] [[Marxism-Leninism|Soviet Union]] (Communism). It has a culturally [[File:Ultracon.png]] [[Reactionaryism|ultra-conservative]] profile and defends a [[File:Natsynd.png]] [[National Syndicalism|national-syndicalist]] and [[File:Econfash.png]] [[Corporatism#Corporate_Statism|corporatist]] system similar to the first Peronism, but turning more openly to [[File:Fash.png]] [[Fascism|fascism]] and incorporating some ideas of a [[File:AntiLibNeoLib.png]] [[Neoliberalism|neoliberal]] nature while appealing to [[File:Rpop.png]] [[Right-Wing Populism|right-wing populist]] rhetoric to justify ideological aspects like [[File:Anti-Semitic.png]] {{PCBA|Anti-Semitism|anti-Semitism}} and conspiracy theories related to a [[File:Esosoc.png]] [[Esoteric Socialism|"Marxist synarchy"]]. It also strongly adheres to the fundamentalism of the 20 Peronist Truths and advocates a "revisionist" nationalism in its historical reading.
As an ideology it was strongly verticalist in the Peronist Resistance, rejecting both the revolutionary and leftist currents of Peronism (a long conflict that would be consummated in the Ezeiza massacre) and the more "dialoguist" (in favor of negotiating with dictatorships and the radical civil governments until the return of Perón, such as [[File:
===[[File:Montoneros.png]] Tendencia Revolucionaria===
"''Tendencia Revolucionaria''" (Revolutionary Tendency) or [[File:LeftPeronism.png]] [[Left-Wing Nationalism|Revolutionary Peronism]] is the name given to the leftist and insurrectional sector of Peronism, formed gradually between the 60s and 70s. With economically left to extreme left (factions) and culturally progressive stances, it interprets Peronism as a nationalist variant of [[File:Christsoc.png]] [[Christian Socialism|Christian socialism]] molded to the Argentine cultural context and advocates [[File:Jingoism.png]] [[Jingoism|armed struggle]] and other [[File:NatTerrorist.png]] {{PCBA|Terrorism#National_Terrorism|combative stances}} – such as the planting of bombs known as "caños" –, as legitimate strategies for its defense. It is
''La Tendencia'' gained importance during the Peronist resistance period, fighting for the return of Peron and facing the civil-military dictatorships prior to [[File:TioCampora.png]] [[Social Democracy#Left-Social_Democracy|Héctor Cámpora's]] government, with whom they also established a strong relationship in his government by promoting the creation of agrarian and educational reforms, the rise in real wages, industrialization of the interior of the country and the union of Argentina to the [[File:NAM.png]] Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Due to its leftist and radical ideology, his followers began to be attacked by the most [[File:OrthPeron.png]] [[Fascism|"orthodox"]] sectors of Peronism, culminating in the infamous "Ezeiza massacre", an event that corresponds to Peron's definitive return to Argentina and implied the repression and death of multiple revolutionary Peronists at the hands of "orthodox" armed groups.
''La Tendencia'' was made up of [[File:Montoneros.png]] [[Left-Wing Nationalism|Montoneros]] and [[File:LeftTerrorist.png]] {{PCBA|Terrorism#Left-Wing_Terrorism|FAR}}, as core guerrilla organizations, and also by others terrorist formations, such as the [[File:LeftTerrorist.png]] {{PCBA|Terrorism#Left-Wing_Terrorism|Peronist Armed Forces}} and the [[File:LeftTerrorist.png]] {{PCBA|Terrorism#Left-Wing_Terrorism|Uturuncos}}.
===[[File:ArgentineAnticommunistAlliance.png]] Triple A===
The "Triple A" (Argentine Anticommunist Alliance) was a far-right parapolice terrorist organization of [[File:Fash.png]] [[Fascism|fascist]], [[File:Pron.png]] Peronist (but some of its leaders, such as [[File:PolState.png]] [[Police Statism|Alberto Villar]] and [[File:PolState.png]] [[Police Statism|Luis Margaride]], were [[File:Anti-Peronism.png]] anti-Peronists), [[File:Trad.png]] [[Traditionalism|traditionalist]] and [[File:Anticommunism.png]] {{PCBA|Anti-Communism|anti-communist}} ideals that arose in Argentina during the third presidency of Perón, and in the subsequent government of [[File:Isabelita.png]] [[
López Rega coordinated the Triple A with the help of Villar (who was responsible for converting the original organization of López Rega into a parastatal death squad), Margaride and others such as [[File:Pron.png]] {{PCBA|Anti-Communism|Julio Yessi}}, [[File:ArgentineAnticommunistAlliance.png]] {{PCBA|Anti-Communism|Aníbal Gordon}} and [[File:PolState.png]] [[Police Statism|Juan Ramón Morales]], with the aim of persecuting individuals classified as "''zurdos''" ([[File:Leftunity.png]] leftists, that ranged from members of [[File:Montoneros.png]] [[Left-Wing Nationalism|''la Tendencia'']] and [[File:LeftPeronism.png]] left-wing Peronists in general to [[File:Ormarxf.png]] [[Marxism|Marxists]], [[File:Socdem.png]] [[Social Democracy|social democrats]], [[File:Argrad.png]] [[Radicalism|radicals]], [[File:Gay.png]] {{PCBA|LGBTism|LGBT}} people, [[File:Fem.png]] [[Feminism|feminists]] and supporters of the [[File:LiberationTheo.png]] [[Liberation Theology|liberation theology]]). He had the support of Perón (although his exact level of involvement is debated, it is accepted that he was aware of the Triple A operations and even participated in the drafting and signing of a classified document declaring war against the "Marxist infiltrators" in the Peronist movement), the Italian anti-communist lodge [[File:Anticommunism.png]] {{PCBA|Anti-Communism|"Propaganda Due"}} and the [[File:CIA.png]] CIA, having solid contact with Ambassador [[File:RepubUS.png]] {{PCBA|American Republicanism|Robert Hill}}, and engaging with the Triple A in the perpetration of acts of terrorism, torture, and kidnappings corresponded to a process of "internal purification" in the Peronist movement. López Rega was also known as "el Brujo" (the Warlock) due to his affinity with [[File:Esofash.png]] [[Esoteric Fascism|esotericism]].
The activities of the Triple A began to dissipate when in 1975, after the resignation of López Rega due to the violent reactions to the economic plan of the then Minister of Economy [[File:
===[[File:SyndPron.png]] Syndicalist Peronism===
"Syndicalist Peronism" or "union Peronism" is what the third branch of Peronism is called: the [[File:Synd.png]] [[Syndicalism|syndicalist]], considered the backbone of the movement. It is an ambiguous current, but predominantly left-wing economically (identified with [[File:AnSynd.png]] [[Anarcho-Syndicalism|anarcho-syndicalism]] and [[File:RevSynd.png]] [[Syndicalism|revolutionary syndicalism]]) and socially progressive. It revolves around the figure of [[File:JuanPeron.png]] [[Peronism|Juan Domingo Perón]] as the "first worker", defending the union of the workforce, the establishment of unions that protect the interests of workers and a state that guarantees the rights of workers as a fundamental part of [[File:Pron.png]] [[Peronism|Peronism]].
It finds its roots in the [[File:ArgNatLab.png]] [[National Syndicalism|nationalist-laborist]] expression (to which union leaders such as [[File:Soc-h.png]] [[Socialism|Alcides Montiel]], [[File:Soc-h.png]] [[Socialism|Lucio Bonilla]], [[File:Trot.png]] [[Trotskyism|Cipriano Reyes]] and [[File:Soc-h.png]] [[Socialism|Ángel Perelman]] joined) that preceded Peronism and in the alliance that the unified CGT (after the intervention and dissolution of the CGT No. 2 for supporting communist ideals considered "extreme") sought with the pro-union sectors of the military government of the Revolution of '43, and has been substantial for the birth, maintenance and general structure of the movement; being mostly represented by the modern [[File:
After an essential participation in Perón's first government (promoting the October 17 march and the constitutional reform of '49, catapulting Evita to the vice presidency, forming a union state in Chaco, etc.), Peronist syndicalism would receive a hard blow with the [[File:StratoDictature-Antifurry.png]] [[Stratocracy|Liberating Revolution]] of 1955. The Aramburu government would intervene in the unions, replacing them with [[File:Anti-Peronism.png]] anti-Peronist "''comandos civiles'' ("civil commandos"), and after a failed "''Congreso Normalizador''" (Normalizing Congress), the CGT would suffer its first fracture, dividing into two groups:
*[[File:SyndPron.png]] [[Syndicalism|62 Organizations]]: opposed to the dictatorship, of Peronist ideals and initially with communist members (who would later separate).
*[[File:Anti-Peronism.png]] [[Syndicalism|32 Democratic Guilds]]: of anti-Peronist and independent ideals, with radical and socialist members.
The regional CGT of Córdoba, which at that time was the only one over which its workers had control, would organize the historic "''Programa de La Falda''" (Program of La Falda) in 1957, where they would define the [[File:SyndieSam.png]] [[Syndicalism|labor movement]] as favorable towards the [[File:Antiimp.png]] {{PCBA|Anti-Imperialism|anti-imperialist}} ideas of the national liberation movements (aligned with the [[File:NAM.png]] NAM and the Third World) and as supporter of a [[File:PlannedEconomy.png]] [[State Socialism|planned state economy]] with strong participation of unions. As a result of this, a new generation of Peronist syndicalist leaders would emerge, among whom were included: [[File:
The national Peronist syndicalism, contained in the 62 Organizations, would be affected by another internal breakdown with Perón in exile:
*[[File:
*[[File:
By 1963, after the political system collapsed with a coup against [[File:Argrad.png]] [[Radicalism|Arturo Frondizi]], who had applied the [[File:AuthNat.png]] [[Authoritarianism|CONINTES]] (Internal State Commotion) plan to justify a repressive regime against [[File:Synd.png]] [[Syndicalism|syndicalism]] and also defend himself from certain [[File:LeftTerrorist.png]] {{PCBA|Terrorism#Left-Terrorism|left-wing guerrillas}}, the CGT would be normalized under the presidency of [[File:Argrad.png]] [[Radicalism|Arturo Illia]]. He, however, would maintain a conflictive position with syndicalism; and when he was overthrown in 1966, the dictatorship of the [[File:StratoOligarchy.png]] [[Stratocracy|"Argentine Revolution"]] would receive support from both factions of the national CGT (which the CGT Córdoba would oppose), until another internal discord would occur, grouping [[File:SyndPron.png]] [[Syndicalism|Peronist syndicalism]] into two main factions:
*[[File:Azopardo.png]] [[Syndicalism|CGT-Azopardo]]: [[File:Strato.png]] [[Stratocracy|pro-dictatorship]] (participationism and collaborationism with the military government), composed of [[File:
*[[File:LibSyn.png]] [[Syndicalism|CGT of the Argentines]]: [[File:AntiMil.png]] {{PCBA|Pacifism|anti-dictatorship}} (in favor of [[File:Socjust.png]] [[Progressivism#Social_Justice|social justice]], [[File:RevNat.png]] [[Nationalism|popular sovereignty]] and [[File:Nation.png]] [[Nationalism|national unity]], rejecting any type of negotiation or cooperation with the dictatorship), composed of independent Ongarists (from [[File:RevSynd.png]] [[Syndicalism|Raimundo Ongaro]]) and [[File:
Between 1969 and 1971, the Cordobazo and the Viborazo occurred, and Vandor was also murdered in the so-called "Operation Judas." The idea of a "Peronism without Perón" would then be discarded, but collaborationist practices would persist within the [[File:
[[File:
Rucci would be assassinated by Montoneros in 1973 in
With the [[File:NationalReorganizationProcess.png]] [[Stratocracy|National Reorganization Process]] in control of the country, union leaders would be disappeared or arrested and the unions would be intervened, while José Martínez de Hoz carried out an [[File:Antisynd.png]] anti-syndicalist and gradualist economic plan inspired in part by the [[File:ChicagoSchool.png]] [[Chicago School|Chicago School]] and other [[File:New-Neoclassical.png]] [[Neoliberalism|neoliberal]] tendencies. Collective bargaining was suspended and labor rights were settled, with the CGT intervening and forcing syndicalism to reorganize into two sectors:
*[[File:AntiMil.png]] {{PCBA|Pacifism|Confrontationism}}: confronted to the dictatorship, concentrated in the Commission of "the 25" and then in the CUTA (Conducción Única de los Trabajadores Argentinos) (Single Leadership of Argentine Workers) and the CGT-Brasil. Led by [[File:RevSynd.png]] [[Syndicalism|Saúl Ubaldini]].
*[[File:Mil.png]] [[Stratocracy|Dialoguism]]: in favor of dialoguing and negotiating with the dictatorship, concentrated in the CNT and then in the CGT-Azopardo. Led by [[File:
The CGT, having joined the [[File:SocGlob.png]] [[Social Democracy|ICFTU]] (International Confederation of Free Trade Unions), received help from this organization and from others such as the [[File:SyndieSamChrist.png]] [[Syndicalism|WCL]] (World Confederation of Labor). However, the [[File:ProlIntern.png]] [[Internationalism|WFTU]] (World Federation of Trade Unions) would remain neutral in this regard due to the strong commercial relationship between the [[File:Cball-USSR.png]] [[Marxism-Leninism|Soviet Union]] and the military dictatorship of [[File:Videla.png]] [[National Capitalism|Jorge Videla]] and [[File:RobertoEduardoViola.png]] [[Authoritarian Capitalism|Roberto Viola]].
The CGT-Brazil, despite its anti-dictatorship stance, would support the [[File:Cball-Falklands.png]] Falklands War under a patriotic vision, until the defeat and fall of the military government; it would then be that both [[File:
With Menem's victory in 1989, the CGT, surprised by its economic turnaround, would divide into a total of 4 groups:
*[[File:SyndMenem.png]] [[Syndicalism|Syndicalist Menemism]]: in favor of Menem's liberal measures and cooperating with him. Led by [[File:
*[[File:FatOnes.png]] [[Syndicalism|The Fat Ones]]: in favor of negotiating without confronting him openly. Composed by service unions who today support [[File:
*[[File:MoyanoCamioneros.png]] [[Syndicalism|MTA-Moyano]]: in favor of confronting him without breaking the CGT. Led by [[File:SyndPron.png]] [[Syndicalism|Hugo Moyano]], [[File:
*[[File:SyndPron.png]] [[Syndicalism|The CTA]]: in favor of confronting it by creating a new union center. Led by Peronist-
All these historical currents (except the MTA) would be maintained from the Kirchnerist presidencies, also emerging the trend of [[File:MoyanoCamioneros.png]] [[Syndicalism|"Aligned to Moyano"]] (from the leadership of Hugo and [[File:SyndieSam.png]] [[Syndicalism|Pablo Moyano]]).
|