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    De Leonism, occasionally known as Marxism–De Leonism, is a form of unionist Marxism[1] developed by Daniel De Leon. De Leon combined the rising theories of American unionism in his time with orthodox Marxism. According to De Leonist theory, militant industrial unions (specialized trade unions) are the vehicle of class struggle. Industrial Unions serving the interests of the proletariat (working class) will bring about the change needed to establish a socialist system.

    History

    De Leon settled in New York City, studying at Columbia University. He was a   Georgist socialist during the 1886 Mayoral campaign of Henry George and in 1890 joined the Socialist Labor Party, becoming the editor of its newspaper, The People. De Leon became a Marxist in the late 1880s, and argued for the revolutionary overthrow of   capitalism, trying to divert the SLP away from its Lassallian outlook.

    De Leon was highly critical of the trade union movement in America and described the craft-oriented American Federation of Labor as the "American Separation of Labor". At this early stage in De Leon's development, there was still a considerable remnant of the general unionist Knights of Labor in existence, and the SLP worked within it until being driven out. This resulted in the formation of the Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance (ST&LA) in 1895, which was dominated by the SLP.

    By the early 20th Century, the SLP was declining in numbers, with first the Social Democratic Party and then the Socialist Party of America becoming the leading leftist political force in America (as these splinter groups embraced capitalist reforms). De Leon was an important figure in the US labor movement, and in 1904 he attended the International Socialist Congress, held in Amsterdam. Under the influence of the American Labor Union (ALU), he changed his politics around this time to put more focus on industrial unionism, and the ballot as a purely destructive weapon, in contrast to his earlier view of political organization as 'sword' and industrial union as 'shield'. He worked with the ALU in the founding of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) in 1905. His participation in this organization was short-lived and acrimonious. After DeLeon's death, his ideology was carried on by the SLP with little success, although they had a brief moment in the 60s when disaffected left wing youth were looking for a party to join, the "dogmatic" leadership eventually caused most of that membership to drift away (they even alienated multi-time Presidential candidate Eric Hass into leaving the party). By the time their national office closed in 2008, they had a grand total of 77 members.

    Beliefs

      Impossibilism

      Socialist Industrial Unionism

    Personality

    De Leonists are rare on the net (due to the younger ones closing in on age 80), but once you find one, you'll find out that they're comparable to syndicalists; a huge love for industrial unionism, the arming of workers for defense, and will tend to think of the gool 'ol days when trade unionist socialist parties used to be popular (compared to our time). De Leonists are chill with most   LeftComs and   Anarchists, on the other hand, they're usually are very critical of   "bureaucratic state despotists" and   "bourgeois socialists." This is because of both ideologies inability to lead a true workers revolution with either an elitist vanguard party or trying to reform capitalism, respectively.

    How to Draw

     
    Flag of De Leonism
    1. Draw a circle.
    2. Fill it with red.
    3. Draw a yellow circle inside.
    4. Draw a silhouette of a muscular arm holding a hammer in yellow (#D8C306) inside the circle and fill the silhouette in.
    5. Draw the eyes and you’re done.
    Color Name HEX RGB
    Red #C9261F 201, 38, 31
    Yellow #D8C306 216, 195, 6


    Relations

    Friends

    Frenemies

    •   Leninism - You were successful at creating the first socialist state, but it degenerated into bureaucratic despotism early on. And while it is true that we need a workers' party to act as the political tool of the proletariat, the rejection of proletarian spontaneity is a grave mistake.

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