Classical Social Democracy

Classical Social Democracy
"This social transformation means the liberation, not only of the proletariat, but of the whole human race. Only the working-class, however, can bring it about."
Basic Information
Aliases	Social Democracy Marxism Socialism Original Social Democracy Social Democracy before 1919 Proletarian movement (by itself)
Alignment(s)	LeftUnity  Authoritarian Left  (Some)  Culturally Left (Most)  Democratic   Socialists   Communists  Internationalists (Most)
Ideological Information
Influenced by:	Democracy Marxism Socialism
Influenced	Berlinguerism Bundism Leninism Council Communism ( Bremen Left-Radicalism and Tribunism) Social Democracy ( Kautskyism) Democratic Socialism ( Kautskyism) Frankoism Italian Left Communism Trotskyism ( Spartacism) Liberal Socialism ( Revisionism) Radical Left-Populism (Historically)
Notable people	Classical Social Democracy Karl Marx (1818-1883) Germany Friedrich Engels (1820-1895) Germany Ferdinand Lassalle (1825-1864) Germany Wilhelm Liebknecht (1826-1900) Germany William Morris (1834-1896) UK Paul Lafargue (1841-1911) Spanish Cuba Orthodox/Centrist Social Democrats August Bebel (1840-1913) Germany Henry Hyndman (1842-1921) UK Karl Kautsky (1854-1938) Czechia Belfort Bax (1854-1925) UK Keir Hardie (1856-1915) UK Georgi Plekhanov (1856-1918) Russia James Connolly (1868-1916) Ireland W.E.B. DuBois (1868-1963) USA Karl Renner (1870-1950) Austria Max Adler (1873-1937) Austria Otto Bauer (1881-1938) Austria Eugene V. Debs (1885-1926) USA Spartacists Franz Mehring (1846-1919) Germany Clara Zetkin (1857-1933) Germany Rosa Luxemburg (1871-1919) Germany Karl Liebknecht (1871-1919) Germany Paul Levi (1883-1930) Germany Bremen Left-Radicalists and Tribunists: Antonie Pannekoek (1873-1960) The Netherlands Herman Gorter (1864-1927) The Netherlands Julian Borchardt (1868-1932) Germany Karl Radek (1885-1939) Ukraine
Variations
School of Thought	Bremen Left-Radicalism and Tribunism Anti-Parliamentarianism (later on) Theory of the economic collapse of Capitalism Anti-Reformism Anti-Imperialism Anti-Nationalism Dictatorship of the Councils General Monopoly Capital School Marxism Revolutionary Marxism Kautskyism/Centrism Anti-Imperialism Lassallism Reformist Socialism (after 1912) Marxism Revolutionary-Parliamentarianism Lassalleism Anti-Liberalism Bismarckism (Formerly sympathetic) Hegelianism Reformist Socialism Left-Social Democracy Ricardian Socialism State Socialism (Accused by Marxism) Welfarism Workplace Democracy Reformism/Revisionism Imperialism (some) Kautskyism Lassallism Reformist Socialism Marxism Radicalism Reformist Marxism Spartacism Anti-Imperialism Anti-Nationalism Anti-Reformism Lassallism Marxism Party equals class analysis Revolutionary Democratic Socialism Revolutionary Marxism Revolutionary Progressivism
Regional Tendencies	Connollyism Anti-Imperialism Anti-Polygamy Boer Republicanism (sympathetic) Celtic Communism Cooperative Commonwealthism Christian Socialism (Sympathetic) De Leonism (Formerly) Esperanto Advocacy Debsism (Sympathetic) Irish Republicanism Keir Hardie Labourism (Sympathetic) Marxist Feminism Neutralism (in WW1, briefly) Germanophilia Progressive Conservative Socialism Trade Unionism Debsism Anti-Capitalism Anti-Imperialism Democratic Socialism Kautskyism Left-Wing Populism Pacifism La Follette Progressivism (Sympathetic) Sewer Socialism (Somewhat pejoratively) Syndicalism Keir Hardie Labourism UK Labourism Cooperativism (Somewhat) Centrist Marxism Democratic Socialism Trade Unionism Socialist Feminism Municipal Socialism Home Rule Anti-Imperialism Anti-Elitism Anti-Immigration Celtic Communism (Sympathetic) Maxtonism Anti-Capitalism Anti-Imperialism Independent Labourism Devolutionism Kropotkinism Leninism (Sympathetic) Pacifism Republicanism Revolutionary Syndicalism Morrisism Anti-Capitalism Anti-Imperialism Anti-Industrialism Anti-Plutocracy Cooperativism Democratic Socialism Eco-Socialism Egalitarianism Gift Economy Guild Socialism Irish Nationalism (Sympathetic) Kropotkinism Libertarian Socialism Marxism Pacifism Proletarian Internationalism Republicanism Revolutionary Socialism Ruskinism Syndicalism Utopian Socialism
Character Information
Likes	The Proletariat Revolutionary organisations
Dislikes	State Socialism Blanquism Anarchism Peasants Russians
Song	Die Internationale Auf, auf zum Kampf Hamburgs Jung Spartakus Lied

"As long as capitalism remains, there can be no real democracy."

Eugene V. Debs

Classical Social Democracy is a political movement that traces its roots to the Social Democratic Party of Germany. Its theories range from Marxist to reformist perspectives. Despite these differences, social democrats share three core beliefs. First, they see themselves as representatives of all non-capitalist classes. Second, they believe in the ultimate victory of socialism, regardless of the methods required to achieve it. Third, they advocate for the formation of an independent organization of the working class. The movement emphasizes the need for social and economic reforms to create a more equitable society, aiming to bridge the gap between the working class and the ruling capitalist class through democratic means.

History

Early Foundations

Lassalle and Marx

The origins of Classical Social Democracy can be traced back to the mid-19th century, deeply influenced by the works and ideologies of two pivotal figures: Ferdinand Lassalle and Karl Marx. Lassalle, a German-Jewish jurist, philosopher, and socialist political activist, played a crucial role in the early socialist movement in Germany. In 1863, he founded the General German Workers' Association (Allgemeiner Deutscher Arbeiterverein, ADAV), which is considered one of the earliest socialist parties. Lassalle advocated for state intervention and universal suffrage, believing that the state could be a tool for workers to achieve their goals. He focused on practical measures to improve workers' lives, such as legal reforms and social insurance programs, viewing these as essential steps towards a more equitable society.

Karl Marx, a German philosopher, economist, and revolutionary socialist, co-authored "The Communist Manifesto" with Friedrich Engels in 1848, which laid the foundation for much of socialist theory. Marx's ideas on class struggle, the proletariat revolution, and the critique of capitalism were foundational to socialist thought. Unlike Lassalle, Marx was more skeptical of the existing state structures and emphasized the need for a proletarian revolution to overthrow the capitalist system. He argued that the state, under capitalism, was inherently tied to the interests of the bourgeoisie, making it an unsuitable vehicle for true socialist transformation.

Ideological Differences

The ideological differences between Lassalle and Marx shaped the early debates within the socialist movement. Lassallean socialism was more reformist, believing in working within the existing political system to bring about change. Lassalle emphasized the importance of achieving immediate practical benefits for workers through state intervention, such as legal reforms and social welfare programs. He believed that the state could be transformed into an instrument of social justice through democratic means.

In contrast, Marxist socialism argued for a more revolutionary approach, where the working class would rise up against the bourgeoisie to establish a classless, stateless society. Marx criticized Lassalle for his reliance on the state, viewing it as inherently tied to the interests of the bourgeoisie. Marx believed that true socialism could only be achieved through the overthrow of the capitalist system and the establishment of a proletarian state, which would eventually wither away as class distinctions disappeared.

Formation of the SPD

Merging of Ideologies

The Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) was formed in 1875 through the merger of two socialist groups: the ADAV, founded by Lassalle, and the Social Democratic Workers' Party of Germany (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei Deutschlands, SDAP), founded by Wilhelm Liebknecht and August Bebel, who were more aligned with Marxist principles. This merger marked a significant step in the unification of the socialist movement in Germany.

The unification was formalized at the Gotha Congress in 1875, resulting in the "Gotha Program", which attempted to reconcile the differences between the Lassallean and Marxist factions. The program outlined a platform that included both immediate reforms, such as labor protections and social insurance, and long-term goals, such as the abolition of class distinctions and the establishment of a socialist society. However, the "Gotha Program" was criticized by Marx in his "Critique of the Gotha Program" for being too conciliatory towards Lassallean ideas, particularly its emphasis on state intervention and its insufficient focus on revolutionary change.

Growth and Influence

Despite the ideological tensions within the SPD, the party continued to grow in influence and membership. The Anti-Socialist Laws, enacted by Otto von Bismarck between 1878 and 1890, aimed to suppress socialist activities by banning socialist organizations, meetings, and publications. However, these laws also unintentionally galvanized the movement, leading to increased support for the SPD as a symbol of resistance against repression. When the laws were lifted in 1890, the SPD emerged as a major political force in Germany.

In 1891, the SPD adopted the "Erfurt Program", which clearly outlined the party’s Marxist goals while also emphasizing the need for practical reforms. This program marked a significant step in the SPD’s development, balancing revolutionary aims with immediate political and social demands. The `"Erfurt Program" called for the nationalization of key industries, progressive taxation, and the establishment of a welfare state, while also advocating for the abolition of class distinctions and the eventual establishment of a socialist society through democratic means.

Internal Struggles and the Rise of the USPD

World War I and Internal Divisions

The outbreak of World War I in 1914 caused deep divisions within the SPD. The party's leadership, under pressure to demonstrate patriotism and support for the national war effort, voted in favor of war credits, aligning with the government’s stance. This decision was highly controversial and led to significant internal conflict, as many within the party opposed the war on ideological grounds. The SPD's support for the war effort was seen as a betrayal of its socialist principles, which advocated for international solidarity among workers and opposed militarism and imperialism.

The faction supporting the war, known as the Majority SPD (MSPD), believed that the conflict was a defensive measure necessary to protect the nation from external threats. They argued that supporting the war effort would prevent a potential invasion and preserve Germany's sovereignty. This stance was supported by trade unions and other pragmatic factions within the SPD who feared the repercussions of opposing the government during wartime.

In contrast, the Minority SPD (MSPD), led by prominent figures such as Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, vehemently opposed the war. They viewed it as an imperialist struggle between rival capitalist powers, exploiting the working class and diverting resources away from social reforms. Liebknecht and Luxemburg advocated for international solidarity among workers and called for mass strikes and protests to end the war. Their anti-war stance was rooted in Marxist principles, emphasizing class struggle and the revolutionary potential of the proletariat.

Russian Revolution and the Split

The Russian Revolution of 1917 had a profound impact on the socialist movement in Germany. The overthrow of the Tsarist regime and the establishment of Soviet power inspired radical elements within the SPD, particularly the Spartacus League led by Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht. The Spartacists, as they were known, saw the Russian Revolution as a model for socialist transformation through revolutionary action.

In December 1918, the Spartacists broke away from the SPD and formed the Communist Party of Germany (KPD), aligning themselves with the Bolsheviks in Russia. The split was a result of irreconcilable differences over strategy and ideology between the revolutionary Spartacists and the reformist leadership of the SPD. The KPD advocated for immediate socialist revolution, the establishment of workers' councils (soviets), and the overthrow of the capitalist state. Luxemburg and Liebknecht emerged as key figures in the new communist movement, promoting a vision of socialism based on direct action and proletarian power.

Becoming Social Democracy

Post-War Reforms and the Weimar Republic

Following World War I, the SPD became a major political force in the newly established Weimar Republic. The party played a key role in shaping the democratic constitution and implementing social reforms. Under the leadership of Friedrich Ebert, the SPD sought to stabilize the country and prevent a communist revolution. The Ebert-Groener Pact, an alliance between the SPD government and the military, was instrumental in maintaining order but also controversial, as it involved the suppression of leftist uprisings.

The SPD's participation in the Weimar government was marked by efforts to balance revolutionary aspirations with pragmatic governance. The party implemented significant social reforms, including labor protections, social insurance programs, and expanded democratic rights. These efforts aimed to address the needs of the working class and reduce social inequalities, while also ensuring the stability and viability of the democratic republic.

Shift Towards Reformism

Over time, the SPD increasingly embraced a reformist stance, focusing on achieving socialism through democratic means and gradual reforms rather than revolutionary upheaval. The evolution of the SPD’s ideology reflected a pragmatic approach to political participation and governance, and the party recognized the challenges of revolutionary change in a complex and diverse society, looking to work within the democratic framework to achieve its goals.

The shift towards reformism was formally codified in the "Bad Godesberg Program" of 1959. This program marked a significant departure from the party’s earlier Marxist revolutionary goals, embracing a modern social democratic platform that emphasized social justice, economic stability, and political democracy. The "Bad Godesberg Program" advocated for a mixed economy, with both public and private sectors playing roles in economic development, and highlighted the importance of social welfare programs to ensure a fair distribution of wealth and opportunities.

Beliefs

Classical Social Democracy represents a rich tapestry of thought and action within the broader spectrum of socialist ideology. Rooted in the ideals of equality, social justice, and workers' rights, it encompasses a range of beliefs and strategies aimed at addressing the shortcomings of capitalism. Despite the internal diversity, Social Democrats are united by a shared goal: the establishment of a society where the means of production and the wealth generated by them serve the common good rather than private interests.

Reformism vs. Direct Action

One of the defining features of Classical Social Democracy is the spectrum of approaches embraced by its adherents. On one end, reformists advocate for gradual, systemic change through democratic means. They believe in working within the existing political structures to achieve social and economic reforms that progressively dismantle the inequalities inherent in capitalism. This includes policies like progressive taxation, extensive social welfare programs, and labor rights protections, all aimed at redistributing wealth and power more equitably.

Reformist Social Democrats argue that incremental changes can lead to significant improvements in workers' lives and can lay the groundwork for more profound structural transformations. They often engage in parliamentary politics, seeking to gain influence and power within governments to implement their policies. Through legislation, they aim to create a more just society where economic disparities are minimized, and everyone has access to essential services like healthcare, education, and housing.

On the other end, proponents of direct action argue for more immediate and radical measures. They emphasize the necessity of mass mobilization and sometimes even revolutionary activity to achieve fundamental change. Direct action includes strikes, protests, and other forms of collective action that apply pressure on the capitalist system and its institutions. These Social Democrats argue that without a powerful and active workers' movement, the structural inequalities of capitalism cannot be effectively challenged.

Direct action Social Democrats believe that the capitalist system is inherently exploitative and that meaningful change can only come through a more confrontational approach. They view direct action as a way to empower workers, raise consciousness about class struggle, and force concessions from those in power. This approach often involves building solidarity through grassroots organizing and fostering a sense of agency among the working class.

Common Struggle: The Mass Worker Movement

Despite the methodological differences, both reformists and advocates of direct action are united by a common struggle: the construction of a mass worker movement. This movement is envisioned as a broad, inclusive coalition of working-class individuals and their allies, organized to challenge the capitalist status quo. The aim is to build a political and social force capable of driving significant change, whether through legislative reform or more radical means.

The mass worker movement is seen as the bedrock of Social Democratic strategy. It involves not only political engagement but also community organizing, education, and the fostering of solidarity among diverse groups. This unity is crucial, as it amplifies the voice of the working class and ensures that their demands for fair wages, decent working conditions, and social protections are heard and acted upon.

Building a mass worker movement requires a multifaceted approach. It involves mobilizing workers across different sectors, forming alliances with other progressive groups, and creating networks of support and mutual aid. Education plays a critical role in this process, as raising awareness about workers' rights, economic justice, and the principles of socialism helps to build a more informed and engaged movement. Additionally, fostering a culture of solidarity and mutual support strengthens the resilience and cohesion of the movement.

Overthrowing Capitalism

At the heart of Classical Social Democracy is the goal of overthrowing capitalism. This does not necessarily mean a violent overthrow but rather a transformative process that replaces the profit-driven capitalist system with a more equitable and democratic socio-economic order. Social Democrats envision a society where the means of production are controlled by the people, either through state ownership, cooperatives, or other forms of collective ownership.

This new order would prioritize human needs and environmental sustainability over profit, ensuring that all individuals have access to the resources and opportunities necessary for a dignified life. In this envisioned society, the economy would be democratically planned to serve the common good, eliminating the vast disparities in wealth and power that characterize capitalism.

The overthrow of capitalism, as envisioned by Social Democrats, involves a profound rethinking of economic and social structures. It means moving away from an economy driven by profit and competition towards one based on cooperation, solidarity, and the well-being of all. This transformation would involve not only changes in ownership and control of resources but also a cultural shift towards valuing collective well-being over individual gain.

Key to this vision is the concept of economic democracy, where workers have a direct say in the management and decision-making processes of their workplaces. This could take the form of worker cooperatives, where employees collectively own and manage their enterprises, or through more extensive forms of public ownership where the community has a stake in key industries and services. By ensuring that economic power is distributed more equitably, Social Democrats aim to create a society that is more just, sustainable, and humane.

Schools of Thought

Bremen Left

Bremen Leftists, or Bremenists are a tendency within the Social Democratic Party of Germany that emphasises on the revolutionary role of direct action. Rejecting Kautsky's and Luxemburg's ideas that capitalism will collapse through economic means, the Bremenists advocate for a focus on mass action in working-class organisations and rejection of entryism and "taking over the state". The Bremenists would instead advocate for the abolishment of the state and the creation of a proletarian one. Alongside that, they would place special emphasis in the idea that the basis of reformism is the labour aristocracy and the rejection of national liberation.

Centrism

The Centrists were a major faction within the SPD, which theory is mainly based on the works of Karl Kautsky. While embracing revolution, they support parliamentarianism (as a tactic to get more popular). A fundamental belief of theirs is the concept of the merger formula, which emphasizes the role of intellectuals in creating socialist consciousness and theory. However, these intellectuals, having no material need for liberation, cannot be the subject of social revolution. A quote from the newspaper Die Neue Zeit written in 1902 by Karl Kautsky illustrates this concept "Modern socialist consciousness can arise only on the basis of profound scientific knowledge. Indeed, modern economic science is as much a condition for socialist production as, say, modern technology, and the proletariat can create neither the one nor the other, no matter how much it may desire to do so; both arise out of the modern social process. The vehicle of science is not the proletariat, but the bourgeois intelligentsia: it was in the minds of individual members of this stratum that modern socialism originated, and it was they who communicated it to the more intellectually developed proletarians who, in their turn, introduce it into the proletarian class struggle where conditions allow that to be done. Thus, socialist consciousness is something introduced into the proletarian class struggle from without and not something that arose within it spontaneously.". It should be said, however, that Centrists believe that the main vehicle for social change should be the mass movement of the proletariat, instead of something like the vanguard party and such.

Lassalleism

State

In contrast with Marx and his adherents, Lassalle rejected the idea that the state was a class-based power structure with the function of preserving existing class relations and destined to wither away in a future classless society. Instead, Lassalle considered the state as an independent entity, an instrument of justice essential for the achievement of the socialist program.

Iron law of wages

Lassalle accepted the idea first posited by the classical economist David Ricardo that wage rates in the long term tended towards the minimum level necessary to sustain the life of the worker and to provide for his reproduction. In accord with the law of rent, Lassalle coined his own iron law of wages. Lassalle argued that individual measures of self-help by wage workers were destined to failure and that only producers' cooperatives established with the financial aid of the state would make economic improvement of the workers' lives possible. From this, it followed that the political action of the workers to capture the power of the state was paramount and the organization of trade unions to struggle for ephemeral wage improvements is more or less a diversion from the primary struggle.

Philosophy

Lassalle considered Johann Gottlieb Fichte as "one of the mightiest thinkers of all peoples and ages", praising Fichte's Addresses to the German Nation in a May 1862 speech as "one of the mightiest monuments of fame which our people possesses, and which, in depth and power, far surpass everything of this sort which has been handed down to us from the literature of all time and peoples".

Spartacist Left

One of the many radical factions within Social Democracy centered around Luxemburg, the Spartacist Left is one of the more centrist-aligned ones. Embracing Social Democracy as the proletariat instead of being the vanguard of the proletariat, the Spartacist Left would advocate for the masses to "reconquer" the mass movements that have fallen to revisionism instead of rejecting those movements. Luxemburg would also believe in the idea of "economism", which assumes that capitalism will collapse through mechanic and economic factors that don't include the proletariat.

Behavior and Personality

Classical Social Democracy is very contrarian and hates anyone trying to undermine the working class but Classical Social Democracy is often rather confused as it doesn't have a central program, so in conflicts between its children it tries to mend relations as best as possible.

How to Draw

Symbols

Flags

Flag of Classical Social Democracy

Color Name		HEX	RGB
	Dark Red	#950000	149, 0, 0
	Coffee Gold	#DA8E43	218, 142, 67
	Gold	#FDBD59	253, 189, 89
	Beige	#FBFD82	251, 253, 130

The flag design of Classical Social Democracy is based on a old SPD banner and a simplified version of that banner. It has a dark red background, a coffee gold wreath, two golden hands shaking and a beige ribbon.

Props

Classical Social Democracy can often be seen holding old socialist flags when in action but when things are more calm it walks around with a wooden cane.

Drawing

1. Draw a ball,
2. Fill the ball in dark red,
3. Draw a coffee golden wreath
4. Draw a beige ribbon at the bottom of the wreath
5. Draw a pair of golden hands shaking in the center
6. Draw two eyes
7. And you're done

Color Name		HEX	RGB
	Dark Red	#950000	149, 0, 0
	Coffee Gold	#DA8E43	218, 142, 67
	Gold	#FDBD59	253, 189, 89
	Beige	#FBFD82	251, 253, 130

Relationships

Friends

• Abolitionism - Long live the Union!
• Council Communism - My a little too blanquist son, learn to reform some time.
• Leninism - One of my most loyal comrades, albeit too anarcho-syndicalistic and too much of a "Stirnerized Proudhonian".
• Radical Social Democracy - I am the only real social democrat He is just a murderous fake.
• Left-Wing Populism - I used your tactics to gain power and to bring Germany (and the world) to the brink of rebellion. Such a shame to see succdems force this potentially revolutionary power within the confines of liberal democracy.

Frenemies

• Reformist Marxism - You may have been a revisionist and had turned me into what I am today, but we are all common brothers of the great Socialist tradition.
• Liberal Socialism - You are naïve and often counter-revolutionary but a People's Front is the best defence against fascism.
• Democratic Socialism - I am you but many of you are too liberal and utopian to be effective revolutionaries due to your blind acceptance of parliamentarian politics.
• Keynesian School - You could show me how to build socialism but you are way too liberal and anti-revolutionary for my liking, Rosa killer.

Enemies

• Theory of Social Contract - This theory is very lovely, it has only one error: it is false.
• Social Democracy - You betrayed everything you stood for and killed Luxemburg. I hate you with every fiber of my being. I hate you.
• Third Way - You're just worse than the guy above, prepare for a bullet!
• Social Authoritarianism - Wow, I didn't know that anyone could manage to be worse than a killer or a neoliberal with welfare. You have stolen my theories and have managed to convince people that socialism is nothing more than the "government doing stuff."
• Bismarckism - Lassalle sold us out, he undermined the workers movement by working with you by taking the institutions of the worker and making them the institutions of the State.
• Capitalism - Long live the international fraternization of peoples! Down with capitalism!

Gallery

Portraits

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Alternative designs

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  Spartacism

• 

  Ditto, bow

• 

  Flag of Spartacism

Further Information

Wikipedia

• Luxemburgism