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"As long as capitalism remains, there can be no real democracy."
Eugene V. Debs

Classical Social Democracy is a political movement that traces its roots to the Social Democratic Party of Germany. Its theories range from Marxist to reformist perspectives. Despite these differences, social democrats share three core beliefs. First, they see themselves as representatives of all non-capitalist classes. Second, they believe in the ultimate victory of socialism, regardless of the methods required to achieve it. Third, they advocate for the formation of an independent organization of the working class. The movement emphasizes the need for social and economic reforms to create a more equitable society, aiming to bridge the gap between the working class and the ruling capitalist class through democratic means.

History

Early Foundations

Lassalle and Marx

The origins of Classical Social Democracy can be traced back to the mid-19th century, deeply influenced by the works and ideologies of two pivotal figures: Ferdinand Lassalle and Karl Marx. Lassalle, a German-Jewish jurist, philosopher, and socialist political activist, played a crucial role in the early socialist movement in Germany. In 1863, he founded the General German Workers' Association (Allgemeiner Deutscher Arbeiterverein, ADAV), which is considered one of the earliest socialist parties. Lassalle advocated for state intervention and universal suffrage, believing that the state could be a tool for workers to achieve their goals. He focused on practical measures to improve workers' lives, such as legal reforms and social insurance programs, viewing these as essential steps towards a more equitable society.

Karl Marx, a German philosopher, economist, and revolutionary socialist, co-authored "The Communist Manifesto" with Friedrich Engels in 1848, which laid the foundation for much of socialist theory. Marx's ideas on class struggle, the proletariat revolution, and the critique of capitalism were foundational to socialist thought. Unlike Lassalle, Marx was more skeptical of the existing state structures and emphasized the need for a proletarian revolution to overthrow the capitalist system. He argued that the state, under capitalism, was inherently tied to the interests of the bourgeoisie, making it an unsuitable vehicle for true socialist transformation.

Ideological Differences

The ideological differences between Lassalle and Marx shaped the early debates within the socialist movement. Lassallean socialism was more reformist, believing in working within the existing political system to bring about change. Lassalle emphasized the importance of achieving immediate practical benefits for workers through state intervention, such as legal reforms and social welfare programs. He believed that the state could be transformed into an instrument of social justice through democratic means.

In contrast, Marxist socialism argued for a more revolutionary approach, where the working class would rise up against the bourgeoisie to establish a classless, stateless society. Marx criticized Lassalle for his reliance on the state, viewing it as inherently tied to the interests of the bourgeoisie. Marx believed that true socialism could only be achieved through the overthrow of the capitalist system and the establishment of a proletarian state, which would eventually wither away as class distinctions disappeared.

Formation of the SPD

Merging of Ideologies

The Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) was formed in 1875 through the merger of two socialist groups: the ADAV, founded by Lassalle, and the Social Democratic Workers' Party of Germany (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei Deutschlands, SDAP), founded by Wilhelm Liebknecht and August Bebel, who were more aligned with Marxist principles. This merger marked a significant step in the unification of the socialist movement in Germany.

The unification was formalized at the Gotha Congress in 1875, resulting in the "Gotha Program", which attempted to reconcile the differences between the Lassallean and Marxist factions. The program outlined a platform that included both immediate reforms, such as labor protections and social insurance, and long-term goals, such as the abolition of class distinctions and the establishment of a socialist society. However, the "Gotha Program" was criticized by Marx in his "Critique of the Gotha Program" for being too conciliatory towards Lassallean ideas, particularly its emphasis on state intervention and its insufficient focus on revolutionary change.

Growth and Influence

Despite the ideological tensions within the SPD, the party continued to grow in influence and membership. The Anti-Socialist Laws, enacted by Otto von Bismarck between 1878 and 1890, aimed to suppress socialist activities by banning socialist organizations, meetings, and publications. However, these laws also unintentionally galvanized the movement, leading to increased support for the SPD as a symbol of resistance against repression. When the laws were lifted in 1890, the SPD emerged as a major political force in Germany.

In 1891, the SPD adopted the "Erfurt Program", which clearly outlined the party’s Marxist goals while also emphasizing the need for practical reforms. This program marked a significant step in the SPD’s development, balancing revolutionary aims with immediate political and social demands. The `"Erfurt Program" called for the nationalization of key industries, progressive taxation, and the establishment of a welfare state, while also advocating for the abolition of class distinctions and the eventual establishment of a socialist society through democratic means.

Internal Struggles and the Rise of the USPD

World War I and Internal Divisions

The outbreak of World War I in 1914 caused deep divisions within the SPD. The party's leadership, under pressure to demonstrate patriotism and support for the national war effort, voted in favor of war credits, aligning with the government’s stance. This decision was highly controversial and led to significant internal conflict, as many within the party opposed the war on ideological grounds. The SPD's support for the war effort was seen as a betrayal of its socialist principles, which advocated for international solidarity among workers and opposed militarism and imperialism.

The faction supporting the war, known as the Majority SPD (MSPD), believed that the conflict was a defensive measure necessary to protect the nation from external threats. They argued that supporting the war effort would prevent a potential invasion and preserve Germany's sovereignty. This stance was supported by trade unions and other pragmatic factions within the SPD who feared the repercussions of opposing the government during wartime.

In contrast, the Minority SPD (MSPD), led by prominent figures such as Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, vehemently opposed the war. They viewed it as an imperialist struggle between rival capitalist powers, exploiting the working class and diverting resources away from social reforms. Liebknecht and Luxemburg advocated for international solidarity among workers and called for mass strikes and protests to end the war. Their anti-war stance was rooted in Marxist principles, emphasizing class struggle and the revolutionary potential of the proletariat.

Russian Revolution and the Split

The Russian Revolution of 1917 had a profound impact on the socialist movement in Germany. The overthrow of the Tsarist regime and the establishment of Soviet power inspired radical elements within the SPD, particularly the Spartacus League led by Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht. The Spartacists, as they were known, saw the Russian Revolution as a model for socialist transformation through revolutionary action.

In December 1918, the Spartacists broke away from the SPD and formed the Communist Party of Germany (KPD), aligning themselves with the Bolsheviks in Russia. The split was a result of irreconcilable differences over strategy and ideology between the revolutionary Spartacists and the reformist leadership of the SPD. The KPD advocated for immediate socialist revolution, the establishment of workers' councils (soviets), and the overthrow of the capitalist state. Luxemburg and Liebknecht emerged as key figures in the new communist movement, promoting a vision of socialism based on direct action and proletarian power.

Becoming Social Democracy

Post-War Reforms and the Weimar Republic

Following World War I, the SPD became a major political force in the newly established Weimar Republic. The party played a key role in shaping the democratic constitution and implementing social reforms. Under the leadership of Friedrich Ebert, the SPD sought to stabilize the country and prevent a communist revolution. The Ebert-Groener Pact, an alliance between the SPD government and the military, was instrumental in maintaining order but also controversial, as it involved the suppression of leftist uprisings.

The SPD's participation in the Weimar government was marked by efforts to balance revolutionary aspirations with pragmatic governance. The party implemented significant social reforms, including labor protections, social insurance programs, and expanded democratic rights. These efforts aimed to address the needs of the working class and reduce social inequalities, while also ensuring the stability and viability of the democratic republic.

Shift Towards Reformism

Over time, the SPD increasingly embraced a reformist stance, focusing on achieving socialism through democratic means and gradual reforms rather than revolutionary upheaval. The evolution of the SPD’s ideology reflected a pragmatic approach to political participation and governance, and the party recognized the challenges of revolutionary change in a complex and diverse society, looking to work within the democratic framework to achieve its goals.

The shift towards reformism was formally codified in the "Bad Godesberg Program" of 1959. This program marked a significant departure from the party’s earlier Marxist revolutionary goals, embracing a modern social democratic platform that emphasized social justice, economic stability, and political democracy. The "Bad Godesberg Program" advocated for a mixed economy, with both public and private sectors playing roles in economic development, and highlighted the importance of social welfare programs to ensure a fair distribution of wealth and opportunities.

Beliefs

Classical Social Democracy represents a rich tapestry of thought and action within the broader spectrum of socialist ideology. Rooted in the ideals of equality, social justice, and workers' rights, it encompasses a range of beliefs and strategies aimed at addressing the shortcomings of capitalism. Despite the internal diversity, Social Democrats are united by a shared goal: the establishment of a society where the means of production and the wealth generated by them serve the common good rather than private interests.

Reformism vs. Direct Action

One of the defining features of Classical Social Democracy is the spectrum of approaches embraced by its adherents. On one end, reformists advocate for gradual, systemic change through democratic means. They believe in working within the existing political structures to achieve social and economic reforms that progressively dismantle the inequalities inherent in capitalism. This includes policies like progressive taxation, extensive social welfare programs, and labor rights protections, all aimed at redistributing wealth and power more equitably.

Reformist Social Democrats argue that incremental changes can lead to significant improvements in workers' lives and can lay the groundwork for more profound structural transformations. They often engage in parliamentary politics, seeking to gain influence and power within governments to implement their policies. Through legislation, they aim to create a more just society where economic disparities are minimized, and everyone has access to essential services like healthcare, education, and housing.

On the other end, proponents of direct action argue for more immediate and radical measures. They emphasize the necessity of mass mobilization and sometimes even revolutionary activity to achieve fundamental change. Direct action includes strikes, protests, and other forms of collective action that apply pressure on the capitalist system and its institutions. These Social Democrats argue that without a powerful and active workers' movement, the structural inequalities of capitalism cannot be effectively challenged.

Direct action Social Democrats believe that the capitalist system is inherently exploitative and that meaningful change can only come through a more confrontational approach. They view direct action as a way to empower workers, raise consciousness about class struggle, and force concessions from those in power. This approach often involves building solidarity through grassroots organizing and fostering a sense of agency among the working class.

Common Struggle: The Mass Worker Movement

Despite the methodological differences, both reformists and advocates of direct action are united by a common struggle: the construction of a mass worker movement. This movement is envisioned as a broad, inclusive coalition of working-class individuals and their allies, organized to challenge the capitalist status quo. The aim is to build a political and social force capable of driving significant change, whether through legislative reform or more radical means.

The mass worker movement is seen as the bedrock of Social Democratic strategy. It involves not only political engagement but also community organizing, education, and the fostering of solidarity among diverse groups. This unity is crucial, as it amplifies the voice of the working class and ensures that their demands for fair wages, decent working conditions, and social protections are heard and acted upon.

Building a mass worker movement requires a multifaceted approach. It involves mobilizing workers across different sectors, forming alliances with other progressive groups, and creating networks of support and mutual aid. Education plays a critical role in this process, as raising awareness about workers' rights, economic justice, and the principles of socialism helps to build a more informed and engaged movement. Additionally, fostering a culture of solidarity and mutual support strengthens the resilience and cohesion of the movement.

Overthrowing Capitalism

At the heart of Classical Social Democracy is the goal of overthrowing capitalism. This does not necessarily mean a violent overthrow but rather a transformative process that replaces the profit-driven capitalist system with a more equitable and democratic socio-economic order. Social Democrats envision a society where the means of production are controlled by the people, either through state ownership, cooperatives, or other forms of collective ownership.

This new order would prioritize human needs and environmental sustainability over profit, ensuring that all individuals have access to the resources and opportunities necessary for a dignified life. In this envisioned society, the economy would be democratically planned to serve the common good, eliminating the vast disparities in wealth and power that characterize capitalism.

The overthrow of capitalism, as envisioned by Social Democrats, involves a profound rethinking of economic and social structures. It means moving away from an economy driven by profit and competition towards one based on cooperation, solidarity, and the well-being of all. This transformation would involve not only changes in ownership and control of resources but also a cultural shift towards valuing collective well-being over individual gain.

Key to this vision is the concept of economic democracy, where workers have a direct say in the management and decision-making processes of their workplaces. This could take the form of worker cooperatives, where employees collectively own and manage their enterprises, or through more extensive forms of public ownership where the community has a stake in key industries and services. By ensuring that economic power is distributed more equitably, Social Democrats aim to create a society that is more just, sustainable, and humane.

Schools of Thought

Bremen Left

Initially united under the "Erfurt Program" of 1891, which combined Marxist rhetoric with a commitment to achieving its aims through democratic means, the SPD eventually saw internal divisions over its approach to achieving socialism. The Bremen Faction emerged within the SPD in the early 20th century, centered around the city of Bremen, and was associated with a more orthodox Marxist position, critical of the increasingly reformist tendencies within the SPD leadership. Prominent figures included Johann Knief, Karl Radek, Antonie Pannekoek, Herman Gorter, and Julian Borchardt.

Antonie Pannekoek (1873-1960) was a Dutch astronomer and Marxist theorist, prominent in the left-wing of the SPD and later in the Communist movement. He advocated for council communism, emphasizing the role of workers' councils (soviets) as the basis for revolutionary change, aligning with the Bremen Faction's emphasis on direct action and class struggle. Herman Gorter (1864-1927), a Dutch poet and socialist, was a leading voice in the left-wing opposition within the SPD. He collaborated closely with Pannekoek and was a staunch critic of the SPD's parliamentary tactics, advocating for a more radical, revolutionary path. Julian Borchardt (1868-1932), a German socialist and writer, was critical of the SPD's reformist tendencies, contributing to the theoretical underpinnings of anti-reformism and anti-parliamentarianism within the Bremen Faction. Karl Radek (1885-1939), a Polish Marxist and key figure in the Bremen Faction, was influential in promoting anti-imperialist and anti-nationalist views. His work helped shape the revolutionary Marxist perspective within the SPD, focusing on the need for a proletarian revolution rather than parliamentary reforms.

The Bremen Faction firmly opposed the SPD’s increasing focus on parliamentary activity, arguing that participation in bourgeois parliamentary systems would lead to the dilution of socialist goals and that capitalism was destined to collapse due to its inherent contradictions, proposing that the SPD should prepare the working class for this eventuality rather than seeking incremental reforms. This anti-reformist stance was central to Bremenism, as the faction maintained that true socialist transformation required a complete overthrow of capitalist structures, not mere adjustments within the existing framework. They also rejected nationalism and promoted internationalism, emphasizing solidarity among workers globally against their common capitalist oppressors.

Bremen Leftists, or Bremenists, emphasized the revolutionary role of direct action. Rejecting Karl Kautsky's and Rosa Luxemburg's ideas that capitalism would collapse through economic means, the Bremenists advocated for mass action in working-class organizations and a rejection of entryism and "taking over the state." Instead, they called for the abolishment of the existing state and the creation of a proletarian one. They placed special emphasis on the idea that the basis of reformism was the labor aristocracy and rejected national liberation movements as distractions from class struggle. The Bremen Faction was vehemently anti-imperialist, viewing imperialism as an extension of capitalist exploitation on a global scale and criticizing the SPD leadership for not taking a stronger stance against imperialist wars and colonialism. They advocated for the dictatorship of the councils, a concept that called for a proletarian state based on the rule of workers' councils (soviets) instead of a parliamentary democracy. This was seen as a necessary step to dismantle capitalist structures and build a socialist society.

The faction also contributed to the development of theories related to monopoly capitalism, analyzing how capitalism had evolved into a system dominated by large monopolies, exacerbating its contradictions and leading to deeper crises and potential revolutionary upheaval. Their strict adherence to Marxist principles, focusing on class struggle and the revolutionary potential of the proletariat, contrasted sharply with the more reformist Marxism of the SPD leadership, highlighting the faction's commitment to a radical overthrow of capitalism. The ideological battles within the SPD, exemplified by the Bremen Faction, significantly influenced the broader socialist movement. The outbreak of World War I and the SPD leadership's support for the war effort led to a profound split, with the Bremenists and other radicals eventually forming the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) in 1918. This split underscored the persistent tension between reformist and revolutionary strategies within socialist movements worldwide, shaping the trajectory of leftist politics in the 20th century.

Centrism

The Centrists were a major faction within the SPD, which theory is mainly based on the works of Karl Kautsky. While embracing revolution, they support parliamentarianism (as a tactic to get more popular). A fundamental belief of theirs is the concept of the merger formula, which emphasizes the role of intellectuals in creating socialist consciousness and theory. However, these intellectuals, having no material need for liberation, cannot be the subject of social revolution. A quote from the newspaper Die Neue Zeit written in 1902 by Karl Kautsky illustrates this concept "Modern socialist consciousness can arise only on the basis of profound scientific knowledge. Indeed, modern economic science is as much a condition for socialist production as, say, modern technology, and the proletariat can create neither the one nor the other, no matter how much it may desire to do so; both arise out of the modern social process. The vehicle of science is not the proletariat, but the bourgeois intelligentsia: it was in the minds of individual members of this stratum that modern socialism originated, and it was they who communicated it to the more intellectually developed proletarians who, in their turn, introduce it into the proletarian class struggle where conditions allow that to be done. Thus, socialist consciousness is something introduced into the proletarian class struggle from without and not something that arose within it spontaneously.". It should be said, however, that Centrists believe that the main vehicle for social change should be the mass movement of the proletariat, instead of something like the vanguard party and such.

Lassalleism

Classical Social Democracy, emerging in the late 19th century, encompassed diverse ideological currents that sought to address the social and economic upheavals brought about by industrialization and capitalism. One significant strand was Lassalleism, named after Ferdinand Lassalle (1825-1864). Lassalleism diverged from classical liberalism by emphasizing that political freedoms alone were insufficient to address the material conditions of the working class. Lassalle initially viewed Otto von Bismarck's policies favorably, seeing potential in state intervention to enact social reforms beneficial to workers. However, disillusionment followed as Bismarck's conservatism became apparent.

Central to Lassalle's thought was his adaptation of Hegelian philosophy, particularly in his view of the state as a mediator of social conflicts and an agent for advancing social justice. His approach to achieving socialist goals was through legal and electoral means, advocating for workers' rights, universal suffrage, and state-sponsored worker cooperatives. This reformist socialism, however, faced critiques from more revolutionary perspectives, notably from Karl Marx (1818-1883) and Friedrich Engels (1820-1895). Marxists argued that Lassalle's focus on state intervention and state socialism did not go far enough in addressing the root causes of exploitation inherent in capitalism, critisizing Lassalle's views for advocating reforms that preserved capitalist relations rather than transcending them through revolutionary action.

Lassalle accepted the economic theories of classical economist David Ricardo (1772-1823), particularly the notion that wage rates tended towards the minimum level necessary for the subsistence and reproduction of workers. Building upon this, Lassalle formulated his own "iron law of wages," arguing that individual efforts by wage workers to improve their conditions were futile without state-supported measures. He advocated for producers' cooperatives financed by the state as the path to economic improvement for workers, emphasizing that political action to capture state power was paramount. Lassalle saw trade unions focusing on wage improvements as a secondary concern compared to the broader struggle for political influence and economic reform. In addition to his economic and political theories, Lassalle was influenced by the philosophical ideas of Johann Gottlieb Fichte, whom he held in high regard. In a speech in May 1862, Lassalle praised Fichte's Addresses to the German Nation as "one of the mightiest monuments of fame" in human literature, underscoring the depth and power he perceived in Fichte's work.

Alongside Lassalleism, other strands of early Social Democracy included Ricardian Socialism, which drew on the labor theory of value and called for the collective ownership of the means of production by workers. This perspective critiqued both Lassallean and Marxist approaches, emphasizing the need to abolish private ownership and replace it with cooperative management. The tension between state socialism advocated by Lassalle and the more revolutionary visions articulated by Marx and Engels underscored the diverse trajectories within the broader socialist movement.

As Social Democracy evolved, particularly in the 20th century, it encompassed welfarism and the promotion of workplace democracy. Welfarism focused on using state mechanisms to provide social safety nets, healthcare, education, and other social services, while maintaining a regulated market economy. Meanwhile, advocates of workplace democracy, influenced by thinkers like William Morris (1834-1896) and Paul Lafargue (1841-1911), emphasized the importance of worker ownership and democratic control of enterprises as a means to democratize economic decision-making.

Spartacist Left

One of the many radical factions within Social Democracy centered around Luxemburg, the Spartacist Left is one of the more centrist-aligned ones. Embracing Social Democracy as the proletariat instead of being the vanguard of the proletariat, the Spartacist Left would advocate for the masses to "reconquer" the mass movements that have fallen to revisionism instead of rejecting those movements. Luxemburg would also believe in the idea of "economism", which assumes that capitalism will collapse through mechanic and economic factors that don't include the proletariat.

Behavior and Personality

Classical Social Democracy is very contrarian and hates anyone trying to undermine the working class but Classical Social Democracy is often rather confused as it doesn't have a central program, so in conflicts between its children it tries to mend relations as best as possible.

How to Draw

Symbols

Flag

Flag of Classical Social Democracy

	HEX	RGB
Dark Red	#950000	149, 0, 0
Coffee Gold	#DA8E43	218, 142, 67
Gold	#FDBD59	253, 189, 89
Beige	#FBFD82	251, 253, 130

The flag design of Classical Social Democracy is based on a old SPD banner and a simplified version of that banner. It has a dark red background, a coffee gold wreath, two golden hands shaking and a beige ribbon.

Props

Classical Social Democracy can often be seen holding old socialist flags when in action but when things are more calm it walks around with a wooden cane.

Drawing

Draw a ball,
Fill the ball in dark red,
Draw a coffee golden wreath
Draw a beige ribbon at the bottom of the wreath
Draw a pair of golden hands shaking in the center
Draw two eyes
And you're done

	HEX	RGB
Dark Red	#950000	149, 0, 0
Coffee Gold	#DA8E43	218, 142, 67
Gold	#FDBD59	253, 189, 89
Beige	#FBFD82	251, 253, 130

Relationships

Friends

Abolitionism - Long live the Union!
Council Communism - My a little too blanquist son, learn to reform some time.
Leninism - One of my most loyal comrades, albeit too anarcho-syndicalistic and too much of a "Stirnerized Proudhonian".
Radical Social Democracy - I am the only real social democrat He is just a murderous fake.
Left-Wing Populism - I used your tactics to gain power and to bring Germany (and the world) to the brink of rebellion. Such a shame to see succdems force this potentially revolutionary power within the confines of liberal democracy.

Frenemies

Reformist Marxism - You may have been a revisionist and had turned me into what I am today, but we are all common brothers of the great Socialist tradition.
Liberal Socialism - You are naïve and often counter-revolutionary but a People's Front is the best defence against fascism.
Democratic Socialism - I am you but many of you are too liberal and utopian to be effective revolutionaries due to your blind acceptance of parliamentarian politics.
Keynesian School - You could show me how to build socialism but you are way too liberal and anti-revolutionary for my liking, Rosa killer.

Enemies

Theory of Social Contract - This theory is very lovely, it has only one error: it is false.
Social Democracy - You betrayed everything you stood for and killed Luxemburg. I hate you with every fiber of my being. I hate you.
Third Way - You're just worse than the guy above, prepare for a bullet!
Social Authoritarianism - Wow, I didn't know that anyone could manage to be worse than a killer or a neoliberal with welfare. You have stolen my theories and have managed to convince people that socialism is nothing more than the "government doing stuff."
Bismarckism - Lassalle sold us out, he undermined the workers movement by working with you by taking the institutions of the worker and making them the institutions of the State.
Capitalism - Long live the international fraternization of peoples! Down with capitalism!

Gallery

Portraits

Alternative designs

Spartacism
Ditto, bow
Flag of Spartacism

Further Information

Wikipedia

Luxemburgism

Notes

↑ In regards to analysis of monopoly capitalism

References

Navigation

[1] In regards to analysis of monopoly capitalism

[2] ttps://www.marxists.org/archive/connolly/1899/08/sawar1.htm

[3] ttps://www.marxists.org/archive/connolly/1915/rcoi/index.htm

[4] ttps://tribunemag.co.uk/2023/05/remembering-james-connolly-2

[5] ttps://tribunemag.co.uk/2023/05/remembering-james-connolly-2

[6] ttps://tribunemag.co.uk/2023/05/remembering-james-connolly-2

[7] ttps://www.workersliberty.org/story/2023-02-21/connolly-and-his-influences

[8] ttps://www.gwleidyddiaeth.cymru/socialism-and-communism/socialism-in-welsh-politics/

[Note 1]

[1]

[2]

[3]

[4]

[5]

[6]

[7]

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@@ Line 2: / Line 2: @@
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-[[File:ML.png]] [[Marxism–Leninism]]<br>
-[[File:Bundis.png]] [[Bundism]]<br>
-[[File:Makhaevism.png]] [[Machajskism]]<br>
 [[File:Compop.png]] [[Left-Wing Populism|Radical Left-Populism]] (Historically)<br>
 |school =
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 *[[File:Antiimp.png]] {{PCBA|Anti-Imperialism}}
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+*[[File:Bism.png]] [[Bismarckism]] (Formerly sympathetic)
+*[[File:Hegel.png]] {{PHB|Hegelianism}}
+*[[File:Social Reformism.png]] [[Reformism|Reformist Socialism]]
+*[[File:LeftSocdem.png]] [[Social Democracy|Left-Social Democracy]]
+*[[File:Ricardosoc.png]] [[Ricardian Socialism]]
+*[[File:Statesoc.png]] [[State Socialism]] (Accused by [[File:Ormarxf.png]] [[Marxism]])
+*[[File:Welf.png]] [[Welfarism]]
+*[[File:WPD.png]] [[Socialism|Workplace Democracy]]
 }}
 [[File:Bernst.png]] '''Reformism/Revisionism''' {{Collapse|
-*[[File:Imp.png]] [[Imperialism]]
+*[[File:Imp.png]] [[Imperialism]] (some)
 *[[File:Centmarxf.png]] Kautskyism
-*[[File:Lassalle.png]] [[Socialism|Lassalleanism]]
+*[[File:Lassalle.png]] [[Socialism|Lassallism]]
-*[[File:Left Reformism.png]] [[Reformism|Left-Reformism]]
+*[[File:Social Reformism.png]] [[Reformism|Reformist Socialism]]
 *[[File:Ormarxf.png]] [[Marxism]]
 *[[File:Radlib.png]] [[Radicalism]]
@@ Line 65: / Line 79: @@
 *[[File:AntiNation.png]] Anti-Nationalism
 *[[File:Anti-Reform.png]] Anti-Reformism
-*[[File:Lassalle.png]] [[Socialism|Lassalleanism]]
+*[[File:Lassalle.png]] [[Socialism|Lassallism]]
 *[[File:Ormarxf.png]] [[Marxism]]
 *[[File:Vanguardism.png]] Party equals class analysis
+*[[File:Revdemsoc.png]] [[Democratic Socialism|Revolutionary Democratic Socialism]]
 *[[File:Marxflag.png]] [[Marxism|Revolutionary Marxism]]
 *[[File:Ultraprogressivism.png]] [[Revolutionary Progressivism]]
 }}
 |regional=
+[[File:Connolly.png]] '''Connollyism''' [[File:ICA.png]] {{Collapse|
+*[[File:Antiimp.png]] {{PCBA|Anti-Imperialism}}
+*[[File:AntiPoly.png]] Anti-Polygamy
+*[[File:Cball-Afrikaner.png]] [[National Agrarianism|Boer Republicanism]] (sympathetic)<ref>https://www.marxists.org/archive/connolly/1899/08/sawar1.htm</ref>
+*[[File:CelticSocCom.png]] [[Pan-Nationalism|Celtic Communism]]<ref>https://www.marxists.org/archive/connolly/1915/rcoi/index.htm</ref>
+*[[File:Cooperative Socialism.png]] [[Market Socialism|Cooperative Commonwealthism]]<ref>https://tribunemag.co.uk/2023/05/remembering-james-connolly-2</ref>
+*[[File:Christsoc.png]] [[Christian Socialism]] (Sympathetic)
+*[[File:Deleon.png]] [[De Leonism]] (Formerly)
+*[[File:Anat.png]] [[Anationalism|Esperanto Advocacy]]
+*[[File:Debs.png]] [[Democratic Socialism|Debsism]] (Sympathetic)<ref>https://tribunemag.co.uk/2023/05/remembering-james-connolly-2</ref>
+*[[File:IrishRepublican.png]] [[Left-Wing Nationalism|Irish Republicanism]]
+*[[File:KeirHardie.png]] [[Democratic Socialism|Keir Hardie Labourism]] (Sympathetic)<ref>https://tribunemag.co.uk/2023/05/remembering-james-connolly-2</ref>
+*[[File:Marxfem.png]] [[Marxist Feminism]]
+*[[File:NAM.png]] {{PCBA|Non-Alignedism|Neutralism}} (in WW1, briefly)
+*[[File:Cball-GermanEmpire.png]] Germanophilia<ref>https://www.workersliberty.org/story/2023-02-21/connolly-and-his-influences</ref>
+*[[File:Progconsoc.png]] [[Socialism|Progressive Conservative Socialism]]
+*[[File:SyndieSam.png]] [[Syndicalism|Trade Unionism]]
+}}
 [[File:Debs.png]] '''Debsism''' {{Collapse|
 *[[File:Anticap.png]] [[Socialism|Anti-Capitalism]]
@@ Line 96: / Line 129: @@
 *[[File:Antimultcult.png]] Anti-Immigration
 *[[File:CelticSocCom.png]] [[Pan-Nationalism|Celtic Communism]] (Sympathetic)<ref>https://www.gwleidyddiaeth.cymru/socialism-and-communism/socialism-in-welsh-politics/</ref>
+}}
+[[File:Bernst.png]] '''Maxtonism''' {{Collapse|
+*[[File:Anticap.png]] {{PCBA|Anti-Capitalism}}
+*[[File:Antiimp.png]] {{PCBA|Anti-Imperialism}}
+*[[File:CentMarxDemSoc.png]] [[Reformist Marxism|Independent Labourism]]
+*[[File:Nordeastmodel.png]] [[Federalism|Devolutionism]]
+*[[File:Kropotkin.png]] [[Anarcho-Communism|Kropotkinism]]
+*[[File:Lenin.png]] [[Leninism]] (Sympathetic)
+*[[File:Pac.png]] {{PCBA|Pacifism}}
+*[[File:Republicanismpix.png]] [[Republicanism]]
+*[[File:RevSynd.png]] [[Syndicalism|Revolutionary Syndicalism]]
+}}
+[[File:Centmarxf.png]] '''Morrisism''' {{Collapse|
+*[[File:Anticap.png]] [[Socialism|Anti-Capitalism]]
+*[[File:Antiimp.png]] {{PCBA|Anti-Imperialism}}
+*[[File:AntiIndust.png]] [[Luddism|Anti-Industrialism]]
+*[[File:AntiPlutocrat.png]] Anti-Plutocracy
+*[[File:Cooperative Socialism.png]] [[Market Socialism|Cooperativism]]
+*[[File:Demsocstar.png]] [[Democratic Socialism]]
+*[[File:Ecosoc.png]] [[Eco-Socialism]]
+*[[File:Equality.png]] {{PHB|Egalitarianism}}
+*[[File:GE.png]] [[Gift Economy]]
+*[[File:Guildsoc.png]] [[Guild Socialism]]
+*[[File:IrishRepublican.png]] [[Left-Wing Nationalism|Irish Nationalism]] (Sympathetic)
+*[[File:Kropotkin.png]] [[Anarcho-Communism|Kropotkinism]]
+*[[File:Libsoc.png]] [[Libertarian Socialism]]
+*[[File:Ormarxf.png]] [[Marxism]]
+*[[File:Pac.png]] {{PCBA|Pacifism}}
+*[[File:ProlIntern.png]] [[Internationalism|Proletarian Internationalism]]
+*[[File:Republicanismpix.png]] [[Republicanism]]
+*[[File:Soc-h.png]] [[Socialism|Revolutionary Socialism]]
+*[[File:BourgSoc.png]] [[Reactionary Socialism|Ruskinism]]
+*[[File:SyndieSam.png]] [[Syndicalism]]
+*[[File:Utsoc.png]] [[Utopian Socialism]]
 }}
 |theorists=
@@ Line 101: / Line 168: @@
 **[[File:Karl_Marx.png]] [[Marxism|Karl Marx]] (1818-1883) [[File:Cball-Germany.png]] {{PBW|Germanyball|Germany}}
 **[[File:Orengelsf.png]] [[Marxism|Friedrich Engels]] (1820-1895) [[File:Cball-Germany.png]] {{PBW|Germanyball|Germany}}
-**[[File:Commie.png]] [[Socialism|Wilhelm Liebknecht]] (1826-1900) [[File:Cball-Germany.png]] {{PBW|Germanyball|Germany}}
-**[[File:Commie.png]] [[Socialism|Paul Lafargue]] (1841-1911) [[File:Cball-Spain.png]] Spanish {{PBW|Cubaball|Cuba}}
 **[[File:Lassalle.png]] [[Democratic Socialism|Ferdinand Lassalle]]  (1825-1864) [[File:Cball-Germany.png]] {{PBW|Germanyball|Germany}}
+**[[File:Commie.png]] [[Marxism|Wilhelm Liebknecht]] (1826-1900) [[File:Cball-Germany.png]] {{PBW|Germanyball|Germany}}
+**[[File:Ecosoc.png]] [[Eco-Socialism|William Morris]] (1834-1896) [[File:Cball-UK.png]] {{PBW|UKball|UK}}
+**[[File:Commie.png]] [[Socialism|Paul Lafargue]] (1841-1911) [[File:Cball-Spain.png]] Spanish {{PBW|Cubaball|Cuba}}
 }}
 *[[File:Centmarxf.png]] '''Orthodox/Centrist Social Democrats''' {{Collapse|
+**[[File:Marxfem.png]] [[Marxist Feminism|August Bebel]] (1840-1913) [[File:Cball-Germany.png]] {{PBW|Germanyball|Germany}}
+**[[File:Liberalsoc.png]] [[Liberal Socialism|Henry Hyndman]] (1842-1921) [[File:Cball-UK.png]] {{PBW|UKball|UK}}
 **[[File:Kautsky.png]] [[Democratic Socialism|Karl Kautsky]] (1854-1938) [[File:Cball-Czechia.png]] {{PBW|Czechiaball|Czechia}}
 **[[File:Soc-h.png]] [[Socialism|Belfort Bax]] (1854-1925) [[File:Cball-UK.png]] {{PBW|UKball|UK}}
 **[[File:KeirHardie.png]] [[Democratic Socialism|Keir Hardie]] (1856-1915) [[File:Cball-UK.png]] {{PBW|UKball|UK}}
-**[[File:Centmarxf.png]] [[Socialism|Georgi Plekhanov]] (1856-1918) [[File:Cball-Russia.png]] {{PBW|Russiaball|Russia}}
+**[[File:Centmarxf.png]] [[Marxism|Georgi Plekhanov]] (1856-1918) [[File:Cball-Russia.png]] {{PBW|Russiaball|Russia}}
 **[[File:Connolly.png]] [[Left-Wing Nationalism|James Connolly]] (1868-1916) [[File:Cball-Ireland.png]] {{PBW|Irelandball|Ireland}}
 **[[File:BlackSocialism.png]] [[Neo-Marxism|W.E.B. DuBois]] (1868-1963) [[File:Cball-US.png]] {{PBW|USAball|USA}}
@@ Line 115: / Line 185: @@
 **[[File:Austrmarx.png]] [[Austromarxism|Max Adler]] (1873-1937) [[File:Cball-Austria.png]] {{PBW|Austriaball|Austria}}
 **[[File:Austrmarx.png]] [[Austromarxism|Otto Bauer]] (1881-1938) [[File:Cball-Austria.png]] {{PBW|Austriaball|Austria}}
-**[[File:Debs.png]] [[Democratic Socialism|Eugene V. Debbs]] (1885-1926) [[File:Cball-US.png]] {{PBW|USAball|USA}}
+**[[File:Debs.png]] [[Democratic Socialism|Eugene V. Debs]] (1885-1926) [[File:Cball-US.png]] {{PBW|USAball|USA}}
 }}
 *[[File:Luxem.png]] '''Spartacists''' {{Collapse|
+**[[File:Commie.png]] [[Marxism|Franz Mehring]] (1846-1919) [[File:Cball-Germany.png]] {{PBW|Germanyball|Germany}}
+**[[File:Marxfem.png]] [[Marxist Feminism|Clara Zetkin]] (1857-1933) [[File:Cball-Germany.png]] {{PBW|Germanyball|Germany}}
 **[[File:Rozalia.png]] [[Marxism|Rosa Luxemburg]] (1871-1919) [[File:Cball-Germany.png]] {{PBW|Germanyball|Germany}}
 **[[File:Commie.png]] [[Marxism|Karl Liebknecht]] (1871-1919) [[File:Cball-Germany.png]] {{PBW|Germanyball|Germany}}
@@ Line 126: / Line 198: @@
 **[[File:Dutchgermanleft.png]] [[Council Communism|Herman Gorter]] (1864-1927) [[File:Cball-Netherlands.png]] {{PBW|Netherlandsball|The Netherlands}}
 **[[File:Dutchgermanleft.png]] [[Council Communism|Julian Borchardt]] (1868-1932) [[File:Cball-Germany.png]] {{PBW|Germanyball|Germany}}
-**[[File:Orthlen.png]] [[Leninism|Karl Radek]] (1885-1939) [[File:Cball-Ukraine.png]] {{PBW|Ukraineball|Ukraine}}
+**[[File:Trot.png]] [[Trotskyism|Karl Radek]] (1885-1939) [[File:Cball-Ukraine.png]] {{PBW|Ukraineball|Ukraine}}
 }}
 |likes=
@@ Line 142: / Line 214: @@
 }}
 {{Quote|
+quote="As long as capitalism remains, there can be no real democracy."
-quote="As things stand today capitalist civilization cannot continue; we must either move forward into socialism or fall back into barbarism."
-|speaker=[[File:Kautsky.png]] [[Democratic Socialism|Karl Kautsky]]
+|speaker=[[File:Debs.png]] [[Democratic Socialism|Eugene V. Debs]]
 }}
-'''Classical Social Democracy''' is a movement that has its roots in the [[File:GerSPD.png]] Social Democratic Party of Germany, with most of the theories of it ranging from [[File:Ormarxf.png]] [[Marxism|Marxian]] to even [[File:Lassalle.png]] [[Democratic Socialism|reformist]] ones. In spite of this, social democrats are united in believing in the following three ideas, belief in itself being the representative of all non-capitalist classes, belief in the ultimate victory of socialism no matter what or which measure and the belief in the formation of an independent organization of the working class.
+'''Classical Social Democracy''' is a political movement that traces its roots to the [[File:GerSPD.png]] Social Democratic Party of Germany. Its theories range from [[File:Ormarxf.png]] [[Marxism|Marxist]] to [[File:Lassalle.png]] [[Democratic Socialism|reformist]] perspectives. Despite these differences, social democrats share three core beliefs. First, they see themselves as representatives of all non-capitalist classes. Second, they believe in the ultimate victory of socialism, regardless of the methods required to achieve it. Third, they advocate for the formation of an independent organization of the working class. The movement emphasizes the need for social and economic reforms to create a more equitable society, aiming to bridge the gap between the working class and the ruling capitalist class through democratic means.
 ==History==
-===Lassalle and Marx===
+=== Early Foundations ===
-In Germany, two major strains of socialist thought had been established, one would be considered as "Marxism", another would be "Lassallism". These two tendencies would mostly be hostile to one another, Marx along with other socialist figures like W. Liebknecht and A. Bebel had heavily criticized Lassalle for his collusion with Bismarck and reformism.
-===Formation of the SPD===
+==== Lassalle and Marx ====
-[[File:Three Arrows election poster of the Social Democratic Party of Germany, 1932 - Gegen Papen, Hitler, Thälmann.png|thumb|180px|''"Three Arrows"'' 1932 SPD election poster.]]
+The origins of Classical Social Democracy can be traced back to the mid-19th century, deeply influenced by the works and ideologies of two pivotal figures: Ferdinand Lassalle and Karl Marx. Lassalle, a German-Jewish jurist, philosopher, and socialist political activist, played a crucial role in the early socialist movement in Germany. In 1863, he founded the General German Workers' Association (''Allgemeiner Deutscher Arbeiterverein'', ADAV), which is considered one of the earliest socialist parties. Lassalle advocated for state intervention and universal suffrage, believing that the state could be a tool for workers to achieve their goals. He focused on practical measures to improve workers' lives, such as legal reforms and social insurance programs, viewing these as essential steps towards a more equitable society.
-===USPD and Rosa===
-===Becoming Social Democracy===
+Karl Marx, a German philosopher, economist, and revolutionary socialist, co-authored "The Communist Manifesto" with Friedrich Engels in 1848, which laid the foundation for much of socialist theory. Marx's ideas on class struggle, the proletariat revolution, and the critique of capitalism were foundational to socialist thought. Unlike Lassalle, Marx was more skeptical of the existing state structures and emphasized the need for a proletarian revolution to overthrow the capitalist system. He argued that the state, under capitalism, was inherently tied to the interests of the bourgeoisie, making it an unsuitable vehicle for true socialist transformation.
-The death of Luxemburg and Liebknicht meant there was no prominent movement aiming for the immediate overthrow of the global capitalist system. This allowed [[File:Socauth.png]] [[Social Authoritarianism|Friedrich Ebert]] to take the movement in a new direction that ran counter to its original goal. Ebert forced the revolutionary section of the SPD out of the party. From now on, the party’s goal would be to make minor reforms to [[File:Cap.png]] [[Capitalism|capitalism]] while carrying on the [[File:GerSPD.png]] aesthetics and [[File:Lpop.png]] populist messaging of the old party. This tactic essentially turned a once radical [[File:Ormarxf.png]] [[Marxism|Marxist]] party into a milquetoast moderate [[File:Socdem.png]] [[Social Democracy|social democratic]] or even [[File:3way.png]] [[Third Way|third wayer]] party.
+==== Ideological Differences ====
+The ideological differences between Lassalle and Marx shaped the early debates within the socialist movement. Lassallean socialism was more reformist, believing in working within the existing political system to bring about change. Lassalle emphasized the importance of achieving immediate practical benefits for workers through state intervention, such as legal reforms and social welfare programs. He believed that the state could be transformed into an instrument of social justice through democratic means.
+In contrast, Marxist socialism argued for a more revolutionary approach, where the working class would rise up against the bourgeoisie to establish a classless, stateless society. Marx criticized Lassalle for his reliance on the state, viewing it as inherently tied to the interests of the bourgeoisie. Marx believed that true socialism could only be achieved through the overthrow of the capitalist system and the establishment of a proletarian state, which would eventually wither away as class distinctions disappeared.
+=== Formation of the SPD ===
+==== Merging of Ideologies ====
+The Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) was formed in 1875 through the merger of two socialist groups: the ADAV, founded by Lassalle, and the Social Democratic Workers' Party of Germany (''Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei Deutschlands'', SDAP), founded by Wilhelm Liebknecht and August Bebel, who were more aligned with Marxist principles. This merger marked a significant step in the unification of the socialist movement in Germany.
+The unification was formalized at the Gotha Congress in 1875, resulting in the "Gotha Program", which attempted to reconcile the differences between the Lassallean and Marxist factions. The program outlined a platform that included both immediate reforms, such as labor protections and social insurance, and long-term goals, such as the abolition of class distinctions and the establishment of a socialist society. However, the "Gotha Program" was criticized by Marx in his "Critique of the Gotha Program" for being too conciliatory towards Lassallean ideas, particularly its emphasis on state intervention and its insufficient focus on revolutionary change.
+==== Growth and Influence ====
+Despite the ideological tensions within the SPD, the party continued to grow in influence and membership. The Anti-Socialist Laws, enacted by Otto von Bismarck between 1878 and 1890, aimed to suppress socialist activities by banning socialist organizations, meetings, and publications. However, these laws also unintentionally galvanized the movement, leading to increased support for the SPD as a symbol of resistance against repression. When the laws were lifted in 1890, the SPD emerged as a major political force in Germany.
+In 1891, the SPD adopted the "Erfurt Program", which clearly outlined the party’s Marxist goals while also emphasizing the need for practical reforms. This program marked a significant step in the SPD’s development, balancing revolutionary aims with immediate political and social demands. The `"Erfurt Program" called for the nationalization of key industries, progressive taxation, and the establishment of a welfare state, while also advocating for the abolition of class distinctions and the eventual establishment of a socialist society through democratic means.
+=== Internal Struggles and the Rise of the USPD ===
+==== World War I and Internal Divisions ====
+The outbreak of World War I in 1914 caused deep divisions within the SPD. The party's leadership, under pressure to demonstrate patriotism and support for the national war effort, voted in favor of war credits, aligning with the government’s stance. This decision was highly controversial and led to significant internal conflict, as many within the party opposed the war on ideological grounds. The SPD's support for the war effort was seen as a betrayal of its socialist principles, which advocated for international solidarity among workers and opposed militarism and imperialism.
+The faction supporting the war, known as the Majority SPD (MSPD), believed that the conflict was a defensive measure necessary to protect the nation from external threats. They argued that supporting the war effort would prevent a potential invasion and preserve Germany's sovereignty. This stance was supported by trade unions and other pragmatic factions within the SPD who feared the repercussions of opposing the government during wartime.
+In contrast, the Minority SPD (MSPD), led by prominent figures such as Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, vehemently opposed the war. They viewed it as an imperialist struggle between rival capitalist powers, exploiting the working class and diverting resources away from social reforms. Liebknecht and Luxemburg advocated for international solidarity among workers and called for mass strikes and protests to end the war. Their anti-war stance was rooted in Marxist principles, emphasizing class struggle and the revolutionary potential of the proletariat.
+==== Russian Revolution and the Split ====
+The Russian Revolution of 1917 had a profound impact on the socialist movement in Germany. The overthrow of the Tsarist regime and the establishment of Soviet power inspired radical elements within the SPD, particularly the Spartacus League led by Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht. The Spartacists, as they were known, saw the Russian Revolution as a model for socialist transformation through revolutionary action.
+In December 1918, the Spartacists broke away from the SPD and formed the Communist Party of Germany (KPD), aligning themselves with the Bolsheviks in Russia. The split was a result of irreconcilable differences over strategy and ideology between the revolutionary Spartacists and the reformist leadership of the SPD. The KPD advocated for immediate socialist revolution, the establishment of workers' councils (soviets), and the overthrow of the capitalist state. Luxemburg and Liebknecht emerged as key figures in the new communist movement, promoting a vision of socialism based on direct action and proletarian power.
+=== Becoming Social Democracy ===
+==== Post-War Reforms and the Weimar Republic ====
+Following World War I, the SPD became a major political force in the newly established Weimar Republic. The party played a key role in shaping the democratic constitution and implementing social reforms. Under the leadership of Friedrich Ebert, the SPD sought to stabilize the country and prevent a communist revolution. The Ebert-Groener Pact, an alliance between the SPD government and the military, was instrumental in maintaining order but also controversial, as it involved the suppression of leftist uprisings.
+The SPD's participation in the Weimar government was marked by efforts to balance revolutionary aspirations with pragmatic governance. The party implemented significant social reforms, including labor protections, social insurance programs, and expanded democratic rights. These efforts aimed to address the needs of the working class and reduce social inequalities, while also ensuring the stability and viability of the democratic republic.
+==== Shift Towards Reformism ====
+Over time, the SPD increasingly embraced a reformist stance, focusing on achieving socialism through democratic means and gradual reforms rather than revolutionary upheaval. The evolution of the SPD’s ideology reflected a pragmatic approach to political participation and governance, and the party recognized the challenges of revolutionary change in a complex and diverse society, looking to work within the democratic framework to achieve its goals.
+The shift towards reformism was formally codified in the "Bad Godesberg Program" of 1959. This program marked a significant departure from the party’s earlier Marxist revolutionary goals, embracing a modern social democratic platform that emphasized social justice, economic stability, and political democracy. The "Bad Godesberg Program" advocated for a mixed economy, with both public and private sectors playing roles in economic development, and highlighted the importance of social welfare programs to ensure a fair distribution of wealth and opportunities.
 ==Beliefs==
+Classical Social Democracy represents a rich tapestry of thought and action within the broader spectrum of socialist ideology. Rooted in the ideals of equality, social justice, and workers' rights, it encompasses a range of beliefs and strategies aimed at addressing the shortcomings of capitalism. Despite the internal diversity, Social Democrats are united by a shared goal: '''the establishment of a society where the means of production and the wealth generated by them serve the common good rather than private interests'''.
-The beliefs of Social-Democrats are often very divided, ranging from reformism to pure direct action. In spite of this, they are all united in one common struggle, the construction of a mass workers movement to overthrow capitalism.
+=== Reformism vs. Direct Action ===
-==Variants==
+One of the defining features of Classical Social Democracy is the spectrum of approaches embraced by its adherents. On one end, reformists advocate for gradual, systemic change through democratic means. They believe in working within the existing political structures to achieve social and economic reforms that progressively dismantle the inequalities inherent in capitalism. This includes policies like progressive taxation, extensive social welfare programs, and labor rights protections, all aimed at redistributing wealth and power more equitably.
+Reformist Social Democrats argue that incremental changes can lead to significant improvements in workers' lives and can lay the groundwork for more profound structural transformations. They often engage in parliamentary politics, seeking to gain influence and power within governments to implement their policies. Through legislation, they aim to create a more just society where economic disparities are minimized, and everyone has access to essential services like healthcare, education, and housing.
+On the other end, proponents of direct action argue for more immediate and radical measures. They emphasize the necessity of mass mobilization and sometimes even revolutionary activity to achieve fundamental change. Direct action includes strikes, protests, and other forms of collective action that apply pressure on the capitalist system and its institutions. These Social Democrats argue that without a powerful and active workers' movement, the structural inequalities of capitalism cannot be effectively challenged.
+Direct action Social Democrats believe that the capitalist system is inherently exploitative and that meaningful change can only come through a more confrontational approach. They view direct action as a way to empower workers, raise consciousness about class struggle, and force concessions from those in power. This approach often involves building solidarity through grassroots organizing and fostering a sense of agency among the working class.
+=== Common Struggle: The Mass Worker Movement ===
+Despite the methodological differences, both reformists and advocates of direct action are united by a common struggle: the construction of a mass worker movement. This movement is envisioned as a broad, inclusive coalition of working-class individuals and their allies, organized to challenge the capitalist status quo. The aim is to build a political and social force capable of driving significant change, whether through legislative reform or more radical means.
+The mass worker movement is seen as the bedrock of Social Democratic strategy. It involves not only political engagement but also community organizing, education, and the fostering of solidarity among diverse groups. This unity is crucial, as it amplifies the voice of the working class and ensures that their demands for fair wages, decent working conditions, and social protections are heard and acted upon.
+Building a mass worker movement requires a multifaceted approach. It involves mobilizing workers across different sectors, forming alliances with other progressive groups, and creating networks of support and mutual aid. Education plays a critical role in this process, as raising awareness about workers' rights, economic justice, and the principles of socialism helps to build a more informed and engaged movement. Additionally, fostering a culture of solidarity and mutual support strengthens the resilience and cohesion of the movement.
+=== Overthrowing Capitalism ===
+At the heart of Classical Social Democracy is the goal of overthrowing capitalism. This does not necessarily mean a violent overthrow but rather a transformative process that replaces the profit-driven capitalist system with a more equitable and democratic socio-economic order. Social Democrats envision a society where the means of production are controlled by the people, either through state ownership, cooperatives, or other forms of collective ownership.
+This new order would prioritize human needs and environmental sustainability over profit, ensuring that all individuals have access to the resources and opportunities necessary for a dignified life. In this envisioned society, the economy would be democratically planned to serve the common good, eliminating the vast disparities in wealth and power that characterize capitalism.
+The overthrow of capitalism, as envisioned by Social Democrats, involves a profound rethinking of economic and social structures. It means moving away from an economy driven by profit and competition towards one based on cooperation, solidarity, and the well-being of all. This transformation would involve not only changes in ownership and control of resources but also a cultural shift towards valuing collective well-being over individual gain.
+Key to this vision is the concept of economic democracy, where workers have a direct say in the management and decision-making processes of their workplaces. This could take the form of worker cooperatives, where employees collectively own and manage their enterprises, or through more extensive forms of public ownership where the community has a stake in key industries and services. By ensuring that economic power is distributed more equitably, Social Democrats aim to create a society that is more just, sustainable, and humane.
+==Schools of Thought==
 ===[[File:Dutchgermanleft.png]] Bremen Left===
+Initially united under the "Erfurt Program" of 1891, which combined Marxist rhetoric with a commitment to achieving its aims through democratic means, the SPD eventually saw internal divisions over its approach to achieving socialism. The Bremen Faction emerged within the SPD in the early 20th century, centered around the city of Bremen, and was associated with a more orthodox Marxist position, critical of the increasingly reformist tendencies within the SPD leadership. Prominent figures included Johann Knief, Karl Radek, Antonie Pannekoek, Herman Gorter, and Julian Borchardt.
-[[File:Dutchgermanleft.png]] Bremen Leftists, or Bremenists are a tendency within the Social Democratic Party of Germany that emphasises on the revolutionary role of direct action. Rejecting Kautsky's and Luxemburg's ideas that capitalism will collapse through economic means, the Bremenists advocate for a focus on mass action in working-class organisations and rejection of entryism and "taking over the state". The Bremenists would instead advocate for the abolishment of the state and the creation of a proletarian one. Alongside that, they would place special emphasis in the idea that the basis of reformism is the labour aristocracy and the rejection of national liberation.
+Antonie Pannekoek (1873-1960) was a Dutch astronomer and Marxist theorist, prominent in the left-wing of the SPD and later in the Communist movement. He advocated for council communism, emphasizing the role of workers' councils (soviets) as the basis for revolutionary change, aligning with the Bremen Faction's emphasis on direct action and class struggle. Herman Gorter (1864-1927), a Dutch poet and socialist, was a leading voice in the left-wing opposition within the SPD. He collaborated closely with Pannekoek and was a staunch critic of the SPD's parliamentary tactics, advocating for a more radical, revolutionary path. Julian Borchardt (1868-1932), a German socialist and writer, was critical of the SPD's reformist tendencies, contributing to the theoretical underpinnings of anti-reformism and anti-parliamentarianism within the Bremen Faction. Karl Radek (1885-1939), a Polish Marxist and key figure in the Bremen Faction, was influential in promoting anti-imperialist and anti-nationalist views. His work helped shape the revolutionary Marxist perspective within the SPD, focusing on the need for a proletarian revolution rather than parliamentary reforms.
+The Bremen Faction firmly opposed the SPD’s increasing focus on parliamentary activity, arguing that participation in bourgeois parliamentary systems would lead to the dilution of socialist goals and that capitalism was destined to collapse due to its inherent contradictions, proposing that the SPD should prepare the working class for this eventuality rather than seeking incremental reforms. This anti-reformist stance was central to Bremenism, as the faction maintained that true socialist transformation required a complete overthrow of capitalist structures, not mere adjustments within the existing framework. They also rejected nationalism and promoted internationalism, emphasizing solidarity among workers globally against their common capitalist oppressors.
+Bremen Leftists, or Bremenists, emphasized the revolutionary role of direct action. Rejecting Karl Kautsky's and Rosa Luxemburg's ideas that capitalism would collapse through economic means, the Bremenists advocated for mass action in working-class organizations and a rejection of entryism and "taking over the state." Instead, they called for the abolishment of the existing state and the creation of a proletarian one. They placed special emphasis on the idea that the basis of reformism was the labor aristocracy and rejected national liberation movements as distractions from class struggle. The Bremen Faction was vehemently anti-imperialist, viewing imperialism as an extension of capitalist exploitation on a global scale and criticizing the SPD leadership for not taking a stronger stance against imperialist wars and colonialism. They advocated for the dictatorship of the councils, a concept that called for a proletarian state based on the rule of workers' councils (soviets) instead of a parliamentary democracy. This was seen as a necessary step to dismantle capitalist structures and build a socialist society.
+The faction also contributed to the development of theories related to monopoly capitalism, analyzing how capitalism had evolved into a system dominated by large monopolies, exacerbating its contradictions and leading to deeper crises and potential revolutionary upheaval. Their strict adherence to Marxist principles, focusing on class struggle and the revolutionary potential of the proletariat, contrasted sharply with the more reformist Marxism of the SPD leadership, highlighting the faction's commitment to a radical overthrow of capitalism. The ideological battles within the SPD, exemplified by the Bremen Faction, significantly influenced the broader socialist movement. The outbreak of World War I and the SPD leadership's support for the war effort led to a profound split, with the Bremenists and other radicals eventually forming the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) in 1918. This split underscored the persistent tension between reformist and revolutionary strategies within socialist movements worldwide, shaping the trajectory of leftist politics in the 20th century.
 ===[[File:Centmarxf.png]] Centrism===
 [[File:Centmarxf.png]] The Centrists were a major faction within the SPD, which theory is mainly based on the works of [[File:Kautsky.png]] Karl Kautsky. While embracing revolution, they support parliamentarianism (as a tactic to get more popular). A fundamental belief of theirs is the concept of the merger formula, which emphasizes the role of intellectuals in creating socialist consciousness and theory. However, these intellectuals, having no material need for liberation, cannot be the subject of social revolution. A quote from the newspaper Die Neue Zeit written in 1902 by Karl Kautsky illustrates this concept "''<u>Modern socialist consciousness can arise only on the basis of profound scientific knowledge. Indeed, modern economic science is as much a condition for socialist production as, say, modern technology, and the proletariat can create neither the one nor the other, no matter how much it may desire to do so; both arise out of the modern social process. The vehicle of science is not the proletariat, but the bourgeois intelligentsia: it was in the minds of individual members of this stratum that modern socialism originated, and it was they who communicated it to the more intellectually developed proletarians who, in their turn, introduce it into the proletarian class struggle where conditions allow that to be done. Thus, socialist consciousness is something introduced into the proletarian class struggle from without and not something that arose within it spontaneously.</u>''". It should be said, however, that Centrists believe that the main vehicle for social change should be the mass movement of the proletariat, instead of something like the vanguard party and such.
+=== [[File:Lassalle.png]] Lassalleism ===
+Classical Social Democracy, emerging in the late 19th century, encompassed diverse ideological currents that sought to address the social and economic upheavals brought about by industrialization and capitalism. One significant strand was Lassalleism, named after Ferdinand Lassalle (1825-1864). Lassalleism diverged from classical liberalism by emphasizing that political freedoms alone were insufficient to address the material conditions of the working class. Lassalle initially viewed Otto von Bismarck's policies favorably, seeing potential in state intervention to enact social reforms beneficial to workers. However, disillusionment followed as Bismarck's conservatism became apparent.
+Central to Lassalle's thought was his adaptation of Hegelian philosophy, particularly in his view of the state as a mediator of social conflicts and an agent for advancing social justice. His approach to achieving socialist goals was through legal and electoral means, advocating for workers' rights, universal suffrage, and state-sponsored worker cooperatives. This reformist socialism, however, faced critiques from more revolutionary perspectives, notably from Karl Marx (1818-1883) and Friedrich Engels (1820-1895). Marxists argued that Lassalle's focus on state intervention and state socialism did not go far enough in addressing the root causes of exploitation inherent in capitalism, critisizing Lassalle's views for advocating reforms that preserved capitalist relations rather than transcending them through revolutionary action.
+Lassalle accepted the economic theories of classical economist David Ricardo (1772-1823), particularly the notion that wage rates tended towards the minimum level necessary for the subsistence and reproduction of workers. Building upon this, Lassalle formulated his own "iron law of wages," arguing that individual efforts by wage workers to improve their conditions were futile without state-supported measures. He advocated for producers' cooperatives financed by the state as the path to economic improvement for workers, emphasizing that political action to capture state power was paramount. Lassalle saw trade unions focusing on wage improvements as a secondary concern compared to the broader struggle for political influence and economic reform. In addition to his economic and political theories, Lassalle was influenced by the philosophical ideas of Johann Gottlieb Fichte, whom he held in high regard. In a speech in May 1862, Lassalle praised Fichte's Addresses to the German Nation as "one of the mightiest monuments of fame" in human literature, underscoring the depth and power he perceived in Fichte's work.
+Alongside Lassalleism, other strands of early Social Democracy included Ricardian Socialism, which drew on the labor theory of value and called for the collective ownership of the means of production by workers. This perspective critiqued both Lassallean and Marxist approaches, emphasizing the need to abolish private ownership and replace it with cooperative management. The tension between state socialism advocated by Lassalle and the more revolutionary visions articulated by Marx and Engels underscored the diverse trajectories within the broader socialist movement.
+As Social Democracy evolved, particularly in the 20th century, it encompassed welfarism and the promotion of workplace democracy. Welfarism focused on using state mechanisms to provide social safety nets, healthcare, education, and other social services, while maintaining a regulated market economy. Meanwhile, advocates of workplace democracy, influenced by thinkers like William Morris (1834-1896) and Paul Lafargue (1841-1911), emphasized the importance of worker ownership and democratic control of enterprises as a means to democratize economic decision-making.
 ===[[File:Luxem.png]] Spartacist Left===
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 ==How to Draw==
 ===Symbols===
-====Flags====
+====Flag====
 {{Flag|Classical_Social_Democracy-Flag.svg}}
 {{Flag-auto
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 }}
 The flag design of Classical Social Democracy is based on a old SPD banner and a simplified version of that banner. It has a dark red background, a coffee gold wreath, two golden hands shaking and a beige ribbon.
-===Props===
+==== Props ====
 Classical Social Democracy can often be seen holding old socialist flags when in action but when things are more calm it walks around with a wooden cane.
 ===Drawing===
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 ==Relationships==
 ===Friends===
-*[[File:Abolitionism.png]] [[Abolitionism]] - Long live the Union.
+*[[File:Abolitionism.png]] [[Abolitionism]] - Long live the Union!
 *[[File:Councom.png]] [[Council Communism]] - My a little too blanquist son, learn to reform some time.
 *[[File:Orthlen.png]] [[Leninism]] - One of my most loyal comrades, albeit too anarcho-syndicalistic and too much of a "Stirnerized Proudhonian".
-*[[File:RevSocDem.png]] [[Democratic Socialism|Radical Social Democracy]] - I am the only real social democrat. [[File:Socdem.png]] He is just a murderous fake.
+*[[File:RevSocDem.png]] [[Democratic Socialism|Radical Social Democracy]] - I am the only real social democrat [[File:Socdem.png]] He is just a murderous fake.
 *[[File:Lpop.png]] [[Left-Wing Populism]] - I used your tactics to gain power and to bring Germany (and the world) to the brink of rebellion. Such a shame to see succdems force this potentially revolutionary power within the confines of liberal democracy.
 ===Frenemies===
 *[[File:Bernst.png]] [[Reformist Marxism]] - You may have been a revisionist and had turned me into what I am today, but we are all common brothers of the great Socialist tradition.
-*[[File:Liberalsoc.png]] [[Liberal Socialism]] - My revisionist variant likes you. Still, the rest of my followers and variants think that your sole participation in the parliamentary process is naive at best and counterrevolutionary at worst.
+*[[File:Liberalsoc.png]] [[Liberal Socialism]] - You are naïve and often counter-revolutionary but a People's Front is the best defence against fascism.
+*[[File:Demsocstar.png]] [[Democratic Socialism]] - I am you but many of you are too liberal and utopian to be effective revolutionaries due to your blind acceptance of parliamentarian politics.
+*[[File:Keynes.png]] [[Keynesian School]] - You could show me how to build socialism but you are way too liberal and anti-revolutionary for my liking, Rosa killer.
 ===Enemies===
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 ====Alternative designs====
 <gallery>
-LuxemburgismBall2.png|Luxemburgism
+LuxemburgismBall2.png|Spartacism
 Luxemburg.png|Ditto, bow
-Luxem-flag.svg|Flag of Luxemburgism
+Luxem-flag.svg|Flag of Spartacism
 </gallery>