Classical Social Democracy

Classical Social Democracy
"This social transformation means the liberation, not only of the proletariat, but of the whole human race. Only the working-class, however, can bring it about."
Basic Information
Aliases	Social Democracy Marxism Socialism Original Social Democracy Social Democracy before 1919 Proletarian movement (by itself)
Alignment(s)	LeftUnity  Authoritarian Left  (Some)  Culturally Left (Most)  Democratic   Socialists   Communists  Internationalists (Most)
Ideological Information
Influenced by:	Democracy Marxism Socialism
Influenced	Berlinguerism Bundism Leninism Council Communism ( Bremen Left-Radicalism and Tribunism) Social Democracy ( Kautskyism) Democratic Socialism ( Kautskyism) Frankoism Italian Left Communism Trotskyism ( Spartacism) Liberal Socialism ( Revisionism) Radical Left-Populism (Historically)
Notable people	Classical Social Democracy Karl Marx (1818-1883) Germany Friedrich Engels (1820-1895) Germany Ferdinand Lassalle (1825-1864) Germany Wilhelm Liebknecht (1826-1900) Germany William Morris (1834-1896) UK Paul Lafargue (1841-1911) Spanish Cuba Orthodox/Centrist Social Democrats August Bebel (1840-1913) Germany Henry Hyndman (1842-1921) UK Karl Kautsky (1854-1938) Czechia Belfort Bax (1854-1925) UK Keir Hardie (1856-1915) UK Georgi Plekhanov (1856-1918) Russia James Connolly (1868-1916) Ireland W.E.B. DuBois (1868-1963) USA Karl Renner (1870-1950) Austria Max Adler (1873-1937) Austria Otto Bauer (1881-1938) Austria Eugene V. Debs (1885-1926) USA Spartacists Franz Mehring (1846-1919) Germany Clara Zetkin (1857-1933) Germany Rosa Luxemburg (1871-1919) Germany Karl Liebknecht (1871-1919) Germany Paul Levi (1883-1930) Germany Bremen Left-Radicalists and Tribunists: Antonie Pannekoek (1873-1960) The Netherlands Herman Gorter (1864-1927) The Netherlands Julian Borchardt (1868-1932) Germany Karl Radek (1885-1939) Ukraine
Variations
School of Thought	Bremen Left-Radicalism and Tribunism Anti-Parliamentarianism (later on) Theory of the economic collapse of Capitalism Anti-Reformism Anti-Imperialism Anti-Nationalism Dictatorship of the Councils General Monopoly Capital School Marxism Revolutionary Marxism Kautskyism/Centrism Anti-Imperialism Lassallism Reformist Socialism (after 1912) Marxism Revolutionary-Parliamentarianism Lassalleism Anti-Liberalism Bismarckism (Formerly sympathetic) Hegelianism Reformist Socialism Left-Social Democracy Ricardian Socialism State Socialism (Accused by Marxism) Welfarism Workplace Democracy Reformism/Revisionism Imperialism (some) Kautskyism Lassallism Reformist Socialism Marxism Radicalism Reformist Marxism Spartacism Anti-Imperialism Anti-Nationalism Anti-Reformism Lassallism Marxism Party equals class analysis Revolutionary Democratic Socialism Revolutionary Marxism Revolutionary Progressivism
Regional Tendencies	Connollyism Anti-Imperialism Anti-Polygamy Boer Republicanism (sympathetic) Celtic Communism Cooperative Commonwealthism Christian Socialism (Sympathetic) De Leonism (Formerly) Esperanto Advocacy Debsism (Sympathetic) Irish Republicanism Keir Hardie Labourism (Sympathetic) Marxist Feminism Neutralism (in WW1, briefly) Germanophilia Progressive Conservative Socialism Trade Unionism Debsism Anti-Capitalism Anti-Imperialism Democratic Socialism Kautskyism Left-Wing Populism Pacifism La Follette Progressivism (Sympathetic) Sewer Socialism (Somewhat pejoratively) Syndicalism Keir Hardie Labourism UK Labourism Cooperativism (Somewhat) Centrist Marxism Democratic Socialism Trade Unionism Socialist Feminism Municipal Socialism Home Rule Anti-Imperialism Anti-Elitism Anti-Immigration Celtic Communism (Sympathetic) Maxtonism Anti-Capitalism Anti-Imperialism Independent Labourism Devolutionism Kropotkinism Leninism (Sympathetic) Pacifism Republicanism Revolutionary Syndicalism Morrisism Anti-Capitalism Anti-Imperialism Anti-Industrialism Egalitarianism Gift Economy Guild Socialism Irish Nationalism (Sympathetic) Kropotkinism (Sympathetic) Libertarian Socialism Marxism Pacifism Proletarian Internationalism Republicanism Revolutionary Socialism Ruskinism Syndicalism Utopian Socialism
Character Information
Likes	The Proletariat Revolutionary organisations
Dislikes	State Socialism Blanquism Anarchism Peasants Russians
Song	Die Internationale Auf, auf zum Kampf Hamburgs Jung Spartakus Lied

"As long as capitalism remains, there can be no real democracy."

Eugene V. Debs

Classical Social Democracy is a political movement that traces its roots to the Social Democratic Party of Germany. Its theories range from purely Marxist to reformist perspectives. Despite these differences, social democrats share three core beliefs. First, they see themselves as representatives of all non-capitalist classes. Second, they believe in the ultimate victory of socialism, regardless of the methods required to achieve it. And third, they advocate for the formation of an independent organization of the working class, capable of defending the rights of the proletariat and the whole working class.

History

Early Foundations

Lassalle and Marx

The origins of Classical Social Democracy can be traced back to the mid-19th century, deeply influenced by the works and ideologies of two pivotal figures: Ferdinand Lassalle and Karl Marx. Lassalle, a German-Jewish jurist, philosopher, and socialist political activist, played a crucial role in the early socialist movement in Germany. In 1863, he founded the General German Workers' Association (Allgemeiner Deutscher Arbeiterverein, ADAV), which is considered one of the earliest socialist parties. Lassalle advocated for state intervention and universal suffrage, believing that the state could be a tool for workers to achieve their goals. He focused on practical measures to improve workers' lives, such as legal reforms and social insurance programs, viewing these as essential steps towards a more equitable society.

Karl Marx, a German philosopher, economist, and revolutionary socialist, co-authored "The Communist Manifesto" with Friedrich Engels in 1848, which laid the foundation for much of socialist theory. Marx's ideas on class struggle, the proletariat revolution, and the critique of capitalism were foundational to socialist thought. Unlike Lassalle, Marx was more skeptical of the existing state structures and emphasized the need for a proletarian revolution to overthrow the capitalist system. He argued that the state, under capitalism, was inherently tied to the interests of the bourgeoisie, making it an unsuitable vehicle for true socialist transformation.

Formation of the SPD

Merging of Ideologies

The Social Democratic Party of Germany (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, SPD) was formed in 1875 through the merger of two socialist groups: the ADAV, founded by Lassalle, and the Social Democratic Workers' Party of Germany (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei Deutschlands, SDAP), founded by Wilhelm Liebknecht and August Bebel, who were more aligned with Marxist principles. This merger marked a significant step in the unification of the socialist movement in Germany, and the union was formalized at the Gotha Congress in 1875, resulting in the "Gotha Program", which attempted to reconcile the differences between the Lassallean and Marxist factions. The program outlined a platform that included both immediate reforms, such as labor protections and social insurance, and long-term goals, such as the abolition of class distinctions and the establishment of a socialist society. However, the "Gotha Program" was criticized by Marx in his "Critique of the Gotha Program" for being too conciliatory towards Lassallean ideas, particularly its emphasis on state intervention and its insufficient focus on revolutionary change.

Growth and Influence

Despite the ideological tensions within the SPD, the party continued to grow in influence and membership. The Anti-Socialist Laws, enacted by Otto von Bismarck between 1878 and 1890, aimed to suppress socialist activities by banning socialist organizations, meetings, and publications. However, these laws also unintentionally galvanized the movement, leading to increased support for the SPD as a symbol of resistance against repression. When the laws were lifted in 1890, the SPD emerged as a major political force in Germany.

In 1891, the SPD adopted the "Erfurt Program", which clearly outlined the party’s Marxist goals while also emphasizing the need for practical reforms. This program marked a significant step in the SPD’s development, balancing revolutionary aims with immediate political and social demands. The `"Erfurt Program" called for the nationalization of key industries, progressive taxation, and the establishment of a welfare state, while also advocating for the abolition of class distinctions and the eventual establishment of a socialist society through democratic means.

Internal Struggles and the Rise of the USPD

World War I and Internal Divisions

The outbreak of World War I in 1914 caused deep divisions within the SPD. The party's leadership, under pressure to demonstrate patriotism and support for the national war effort, voted in favor of war credits, aligning with the government’s stance. This decision was highly controversial and led to significant internal conflict, as many within the party opposed the war on ideological grounds. The SPD's support for the war effort was seen as a betrayal of its socialist principles, which advocated for international solidarity among workers and opposed militarism and imperialism.

The faction supporting the war, known as the Majority SPD (MSPD), believed that the conflict was a defensive measure necessary to protect the nation from external threats. They argued that supporting the war effort would prevent a potential invasion and preserve Germany's sovereignty. This stance was supported by trade unions and other pragmatic factions within the SPD who feared the repercussions of opposing the government during wartime.

In contrast, the Minority SPD (MSPD), led by prominent figures such as Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, vehemently opposed the war. They viewed it as an imperialist struggle between rival capitalist powers, exploiting the working class and diverting resources away from social reforms. Liebknecht and Luxemburg advocated for international solidarity among workers and called for mass strikes and protests to end the war. Their anti-war stance was rooted in Marxist principles, emphasizing class struggle and the revolutionary potential of the proletariat.

Russian Revolution and the Split

The Russian Revolution of 1917 had a profound impact on the socialist movement in Germany. The overthrow of the Tsarist regime and the establishment of Soviet power inspired radical elements within the SPD, particularly the Spartacus League led by Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht. The Spartacists, as they were known, saw the Russian Revolution as a model for socialist transformation through revolutionary action.

In December 1918, the Spartacists broke away from the SPD and formed the Communist Party of Germany (KPD), aligning themselves with the Bolsheviks in Russia. The split was a result of irreconcilable differences over strategy and ideology between the revolutionary Spartacists and the reformist leadership of the SPD. The KPD advocated for immediate socialist revolution, the establishment of workers' councils (soviets), and the overthrow of the capitalist state. Luxemburg and Liebknecht emerged as key figures in the new communist movement, promoting a vision of socialism based on direct action and proletarian power.

Becoming Social Democracy

Post-War Reforms and the Weimar Republic

Following World War I, the SPD became a major political force in the newly established Weimar Republic. The party played a key role in shaping the democratic constitution and implementing social reforms. Under the leadership of Friedrich Ebert, the SPD sought to stabilize the country and prevent a communist revolution. The Ebert-Groener Pact, an alliance between the SPD government and the military, was instrumental in maintaining order but also controversial, as it involved the suppression of leftist uprisings.

The SPD's participation in the Weimar government was marked by efforts to balance revolutionary aspirations with pragmatic governance. The party implemented significant social reforms, including labor protections, social insurance programs, and expanded democratic rights. These efforts aimed to address the needs of the working class and reduce social inequalities, while also ensuring the stability and viability of the democratic republic.

Shift Towards Reformism

Over time, the SPD increasingly embraced a reformist stance, focusing on achieving socialism through democratic means and gradual reforms rather than revolutionary upheaval. The evolution of the SPD’s ideology reflected a pragmatic approach to political participation and governance, and the party recognized the challenges of revolutionary change in a complex and diverse society, looking to work within the democratic framework to achieve its goals.

The shift towards reformism was formally codified in the "Bad Godesberg Program" of 1959. This program marked a significant departure from the party’s earlier Marxist revolutionary goals, embracing a modern social democratic platform that emphasized social justice, economic stability, and political democracy. The "Bad Godesberg Program" advocated for a mixed economy, with both public and private sectors playing roles in economic development, and highlighted the importance of social welfare programs to ensure a fair distribution of wealth and opportunities.

Beliefs

Classical Social Democracy represents a rich tapestry of thought and action within the broader spectrum of socialist ideology. Rooted in the ideals of equality, social justice, and workers' rights, it encompasses a range of beliefs and strategies aimed at addressing the shortcomings of capitalism. Despite the internal diversity, Social Democrats are united by a shared goal: the establishment of a society where the means of production and the wealth generated by them serve the common good rather than private interests.

Reformism vs. Direct Action

One of the defining features of Classical Social Democracy is the spectrum of approaches embraced by its adherents. On one end, reformists advocate for gradual, systemic change through democratic means. They believe in working within the existing political structures to achieve social and economic reforms that progressively dismantle the inequalities inherent in capitalism. This includes policies like progressive taxation, extensive social welfare programs, and labor rights protections, all aimed at redistributing wealth and power more equitably.

Reformist Social Democrats argue that incremental changes can lead to significant improvements in workers' lives and can lay the groundwork for more profound structural transformations. They often engage in parliamentary politics, seeking to gain influence and power within governments to implement their policies. Through legislation, they aim to create a more just society where economic disparities are minimized, and everyone has access to essential services like healthcare, education, and housing.

On the other end, proponents of direct action argue for more immediate and radical measures. They emphasize the necessity of mass mobilization and sometimes even revolutionary activity to achieve fundamental change. Direct action includes strikes, protests, and other forms of collective action that apply pressure on the capitalist system and its institutions. These Social Democrats argue that without a powerful and active workers' movement, the structural inequalities of capitalism cannot be effectively challenged. Direct action Social Democrats believe that the capitalist system is inherently exploitative and that meaningful change can only come through a more confrontational approach. They view direct action as a way to empower workers, raise consciousness about class struggle, and force concessions from those in power. This approach often involves building solidarity through grassroots organizing and fostering a sense of agency among the working class.

Common Struggle: The Mass Worker Movement

Despite the methodological differences, both reformists and advocates of direct action are united by a common struggle: the construction of a mass worker movement. This movement is envisioned as a broad, inclusive coalition of working-class individuals and their allies, organized to challenge the capitalist status quo. The aim is to build a political and social force capable of driving significant change, whether through legislative reform or more radical means.

The mass worker movement is seen as the bedrock of Social Democratic strategy. It involves not only political engagement but also community organizing, education, and the fostering of solidarity among diverse groups. This unity is crucial, as it amplifies the voice of the working class and ensures that their demands for fair wages, decent working conditions, and social protections are heard and acted upon.

Building a mass worker movement requires a multifaceted approach. It involves mobilizing workers across different sectors, forming alliances with other progressive groups, and creating networks of support and mutual aid. Education plays a critical role in this process, as raising awareness about workers' rights, economic justice, and the principles of socialism helps to build a more informed and engaged movement. Additionally, fostering a culture of solidarity and mutual support strengthens the resilience and cohesion of the movement.

Overthrowing Capitalism

At the heart of Classical Social Democracy is the goal of overthrowing capitalism. This does not necessarily mean a violent overthrow but rather a transformative process that replaces the profit-driven capitalist system with a more equitable and democratic socio-economic order. Social Democrats envision a society where the means of production are controlled by the people, either through state ownership, cooperatives, or other forms of collective ownership.

This new order would prioritize human needs and environmental sustainability over profit, ensuring that all individuals have access to the resources and opportunities necessary for a dignified life. In this envisioned society, the economy would be democratically planned to serve the common good, eliminating the vast disparities in wealth and power that characterize capitalism.

The overthrow of capitalism, as envisioned by Social Democrats, involves a profound rethinking of economic and social structures. It means moving away from an economy driven by profit and competition towards one based on cooperation, solidarity, and the well-being of all. This transformation would involve not only changes in ownership and control of resources but also a cultural shift towards valuing collective well-being over individual gain.

Key to this vision is the concept of economic democracy, where workers have a direct say in the management and decision-making processes of their workplaces. This could take the form of worker cooperatives, where employees collectively own and manage their enterprises, or through more extensive forms of public ownership where the community has a stake in key industries and services. By ensuring that economic power is distributed more equitably, Social Democrats aim to create a society that is more just, sustainable, and humane.

Schools of Thought

Bremen Left

Initially united under the "Erfurt Program" of 1891, which combined Marxist rhetoric with a commitment to achieving its aims through democratic means, the SPD eventually saw internal divisions over its approach to achieving socialism. The Bremen Faction emerged within the SPD in the early 20th century, centered around the city of Bremen, and was associated with a more orthodox Marxist position, critical of the increasingly reformist tendencies within the SPD leadership. Prominent figures included Johann Knief, Karl Radek, Antonie Pannekoek, Herman Gorter, and Julian Borchardt.

Antonie Pannekoek (1873-1960) was a Dutch astronomer and Marxist theorist, prominent in the left-wing of the SPD and later in the Communist movement. He advocated for Council Communism, emphasizing the role of workers' councils (soviets) as the basis for revolutionary change, aligning with the Bremen Faction's emphasis on direct action and class struggle. Herman Gorter (1864-1927), a Dutch poet and socialist, was a leading voice in the left-wing opposition within the SPD. He collaborated closely with Pannekoek and was a staunch critic of the SPD's parliamentary tactics, advocating for a more radical, revolutionary path. Julian Borchardt (1868-1932), a German socialist and writer, was critical of the SPD's reformist tendencies, contributing to the theoretical underpinnings of anti-reformism and anti-parliamentarianism within the Bremen Faction. Karl Radek (1885-1939), a Polish Marxist and key figure in the Bremen Faction, was influential in promoting anti-imperialist and anti-nationalist views. His work helped shape the revolutionary Marxist perspective within the SPD, focusing on the need for a proletarian revolution rather than parliamentary reforms.

The Bremen Faction firmly opposed the SPD’s increasing focus on parliamentary activity, arguing that participation in bourgeois parliamentary systems would lead to the dilution of socialist goals and that capitalism was destined to collapse due to its inherent contradictions, proposing that the SPD should prepare the working class for this eventuality rather than seeking incremental reforms. This anti-reformist stance was central to Bremenism, as the faction maintained that true socialist transformation required a complete overthrow of capitalist structures, not mere adjustments within the existing framework. They also rejected nationalism and promoted internationalism, emphasizing solidarity among workers globally against their common capitalist oppressors. Bremen Leftists, or Bremenists, emphasized the revolutionary role of direct action. Rejecting Karl Kautsky's and Rosa Luxemburg's ideas that capitalism would collapse through economic means, the Bremenists advocated for mass action in working-class organizations and a rejection of entryism and "taking over the state". Instead, they called for the abolishment of the existing state and the creation of a proletarian one. They placed special emphasis on the idea that the basis of reformism was the labor aristocracy and rejected national liberation movements as distractions from class struggle. The Bremen Faction was vehemently anti-imperialist, viewing imperialism as an extension of capitalist exploitation on a global scale and criticizing the SPD leadership for not taking a stronger stance against imperialist wars and colonialism. They advocated for the "dictatorship of the councils", a concept that called for a proletarian state based on the rule of workers' councils (soviets) instead of a parliamentary democracy. This was seen as a necessary step to dismantle capitalist structures and build a socialist society.

The faction also contributed to the development of theories related to monopoly capitalism, analyzing how capitalism had evolved into a system dominated by large monopolies, exacerbating its contradictions and leading to deeper crises and potential revolutionary upheaval. Their strict adherence to Marxist principles, focusing on class struggle and the revolutionary potential of the proletariat, contrasted sharply with the more reformist Marxism of the SPD leadership, highlighting the faction's commitment to a radical overthrow of capitalism. The ideological battles within the SPD, exemplified by the Bremen Faction, significantly influenced the broader socialist movement. The outbreak of World War I and the SPD leadership's support for the war effort led to a profound split, with the Bremenists and other radicals eventually forming the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) in 1918, alongside Spartacists. This split underscored the persistent tension between reformist and revolutionary strategies within socialist movements worldwide, shaping the trajectory of leftist politics in the 20th century.

Orthodox/Centrist Social Democracy

The Centrist/Orthodox SPD faction, a significant force within the party, represents a synthesis of Marxist principles with pragmatic, reformist strategies. Their theoretical foundation is heavily influenced by Karl Kautsky (1854-1938), who articulated a vision of revolutionary parliamentarianism, involving leveraging parliamentary participation to gain popular support while ultimately striving for a socialist transformation. August Bebel (1840-1913), a key figure in the SPD, emphasized the importance of universal suffrage and social reforms as essential steps toward socialism, advocating for the power of organized labor and parliamentary engagement to effect change. Henry Hyndman (1842-1921), a British Marxist, shared the SPD’s centrist position by advocating for reformist policies while retaining a revolutionary perspective. His approach underscored the significance of political organization and action, resonating with the SPD's integration of Marxist theory and practical politics. Karl Kautsky, the SPD’s leading theoretician, emphasized the merger formula, which underscores the role of intellectuals in creating socialist consciousness and theory. As Kautsky wrote in Die Neue Zeit in 1902, "Modern socialist consciousness can arise only on the basis of profound scientific knowledge... The vehicle of science is not the proletariat, but the bourgeois intelligentsia". This illustrates the Centrists' belief that while intellectuals play a crucial role in developing socialist ideas, the mass movement of the proletariat remains the primary vehicle for social change.

Prominent Marxist theoreticians like Belfort Bax (1854-1925) supported the SPD's emphasis on combining Marxist analysis with practical political engagement. Keir Hardie (1856-1915), a founder of the British Labour Party, aligned with the SPD’s centrist approach by advocating for workers’ rights and social reforms, integrating socialist principles into a broader political movement. Georgi Plekhanov (1856-1918) focused on the necessity of a disciplined and theoretically informed party, influencing the SPD’s commitment to strong organization and adherence to Marxist principles, further cementing the faction’s centrist yet revolutionary approach. James Connolly (1868-1916), an Irish socialist and revolutionary, highlighted national liberation and anti-imperialism, resonating with the SPD’s stance against imperialism and colonial exploitation. W.E.B. DuBois (1868-1963), renowned for his work on race and civil rights, complemented the SPD’s goals of social and economic equality through his socialist leanings and advocacy for economic justice. These perspectives reinforced the SPD’s anti-imperialist position, which opposed colonialism and advocated for the rights of oppressed nations.

Karl Renner (1870-1950), an Austrian social democrat, contributed to "Austro-Marxism," emphasizing state intervention in managing economic and social reforms. This reflected the SPD’s pragmatic approach to achieving socialism. Max Adler (1873-1937), another Austro-Marxist, advocated for a gradual transition to socialism through democratic means, integrating Marxist theory with practical political action. Otto Bauer (1881-1938) introduced ideas on "integral socialism," emphasizing a broad-based, inclusive approach to socialist politics that aligned with the SPD’s strategy of working within the parliamentary system to achieve gradual reforms. Eugene V. Debs (1885-1926), an American socialist leader, mirrored the SPD’s emphasis on electoral politics and social reforms through his advocacy for workers’ rights and commitment to democratic socialism. These figures collectively influenced the SPD’s centrist faction, which balanced Marxist principles with the practicalities of electoral politics and social reforms. Key concepts such as anti-imperialism, Lassallism, reformist socialism, Marxism, and revolutionary-parliamentarianism underpinned the faction's strategy, highlighting a pragmatic yet theoretically rigorous approach to achieving socialism. The Centrists firmly believed that while intellectuals play a vital role in shaping socialist consciousness, the mass movement of the proletariat is the true engine of social change.

Lassalleism

Classical Social Democracy, emerging in the late 19th century, encompassed diverse ideological currents that sought to address the social and economic upheavals brought about by industrialization and capitalism. One significant strand was Lassalleism, named after Ferdinand Lassalle (1825-1864). Lassalleism diverged from classical liberalism by emphasizing that political freedoms alone were insufficient to address the material conditions of the working class. Lassalle initially viewed Otto von Bismarck's policies favorably, seeing potential in state intervention to enact social reforms beneficial to workers. However, disillusionment followed as Bismarck's conservatism became apparent.

Central to Lassalle's thought was his adaptation of Hegelian philosophy, particularly in his view of the state as a mediator of social conflicts and an agent for advancing social justice. His approach to achieving socialist goals was through legal and electoral means, advocating for workers' rights, universal suffrage, and state-sponsored worker cooperatives. This reformist socialism, however, faced critiques from more revolutionary perspectives, notably from Karl Marx (1818-1883) and Friedrich Engels (1820-1895). Marxists argued that Lassalle's focus on state intervention and state socialism did not go far enough in addressing the root causes of exploitation inherent in capitalism, critisizing Lassalle's views for advocating reforms that preserved capitalist relations rather than transcending them through revolutionary action.

Lassalle accepted the economic theories of classical economist David Ricardo (1772-1823), particularly the notion that wage rates tended towards the minimum level necessary for the subsistence and reproduction of workers. Building upon this, Lassalle formulated his own "iron law of wages", arguing that individual efforts by wage workers to improve their conditions were futile without state-supported measures. He advocated for producers' cooperatives financed by the state as the path to economic improvement for workers, emphasizing that political action to capture state power was paramount. Lassalle saw trade unions focusing on wage improvements as a secondary concern compared to the broader struggle for political influence and economic reform. In addition to his economic and political theories, Lassalle was influenced by the philosophical ideas of Johann Gottlieb Fichte (1762-1814), whom he held in high regard. In a speech in May 1862, Lassalle praised Fichte's Addresses to the German Nation as "one of the mightiest monuments of fame" in human literature, underscoring the depth and power he perceived in Fichte's work.

Alongside Lassalleism, other strands of early Social Democracy included Ricardian Socialism, which drew on the labor theory of value and called for the collective ownership of the means of production by workers. This perspective critiqued both Lassallean and Marxist approaches, emphasizing the need to abolish private ownership and replace it with cooperative management. The tension between state socialism advocated by Lassalle and the more revolutionary visions articulated by Marx and Engels underscored the diverse trajectories within the broader socialist movement. As Social Democracy evolved, particularly in the 20th century, it encompassed ideas such as Welfarism and the promotion of workplace democracy. The first focused on using state mechanisms to provide social safety nets, healthcare, education, and other social services, while maintaining a regulated market economy. Meanwhile, advocates of workplace democracy, influenced by thinkers like William Morris (1834-1896) and Paul Lafargue (1841-1911), emphasized the importance of worker ownership and democratic control of enterprises as a means to democratize economic decision-making.

Spartacism

Spartacism, a revolutionary socialist movement that emerged in early 20th century Germany, was shaped significantly by the ideas and leadership of Rosa Luxemburg (1871-1919). This movement was a radical faction within the SPD, marked by a firm opposition to imperialism, nationalism, and reformism. Central to Spartacism was the belief that capitalism's inherent exploitation and expansionism could only be dismantled through revolutionary action, not gradual reforms. Luxemburg, in her work "The Accumulation of Capital," argued that imperialism was a natural outgrowth of capitalism's need for new markets and resources, necessitating a global revolutionary struggle. Her critiques of both the reformist elements within the socialist movement and the capitalist state were foundational to the Spartacist ideology and created significant tension with the main ideologues of the SPD.

Karl Liebknecht (1871-1919) echoed Luxemburg's anti-imperialist and anti-nationalist sentiments, famously declaring "the main enemy is at home" in opposition to World War I. This statement underscored the Spartacist belief that true liberation could not be achieved through nationalistic wars but through international proletarian solidarity against the bourgeoisie. His radical stance against the war contrasted sharply with the SPD leadership, who had supported war efforts, further intensifying internal conflicts. Paul Levi (1883-1930), who led the Spartacist movement after the deaths of Luxemburg and Liebknecht, continued to emphasize the importance of maintaining proletarian independence from bourgeois political structures and staunchly opposed collaboration with reformist elements, positioning the Spartacists against the SPD’s more moderate strategies. Clara Zetkin (1857-1933), a pivotal figure in both the socialist and women's movements, contributed to the anti-reformist stance of Spartacism. She believed that the emancipation of women was intrinsically linked to the broader proletarian revolution, aligning with Luxemburg's views on the interconnectedness of the struggles against capitalism, imperialism, and nationalism. Zetkin's work reinforced the movement's rejection of any reformist strategies that sought to achieve socialism within the capitalist framework, opposing the SPD’s more incremental approach to social change. Franz Mehring (1846-1919) provided the historical and theoretical foundation for Spartacism through his Marxist analysis of capitalism and class struggle. His emphasis on historical materialism highlighted the inevitability of revolutionary change, aligning with the Spartacist critique of gradual reform. Mehring's perspective underscored the necessity of a complete overthrow of the capitalist system, a belief that was central to the Spartacist ideology. This revolutionary perspective often clashed with the SPD’s belief in achieving socialism through parliamentary means and social reforms.

Despite its radicalism, the Spartacist movement also embraced elements of Classical Social Democracy. Luxemburg and her comrades believed that the proletariat should actively "reconquer" mass movements that had succumbed to revisionism, rather than rejecting these movements outright. This position distinguished Spartacism from other leftist factions that preferred a more vanguardist approach. Luxemburg's belief in "economism," the idea that capitalism would collapse due to its inherent economic contradictions without the need for direct proletarian action, also influenced Spartacist strategy, though it was balanced by a strong emphasis on mass revolutionary activity. This approach put them at odds with SPD leaders who favored a more pragmatic, less confrontational path to socialism.

The core beliefs of Spartacism included anti-imperialism, anti-nationalism, and anti-reformism, all rooted in a Marxist framework that demanded revolutionary change. The movement advocated for the "party equals class" analysis, viewing the revolutionary party as an embodiment of the working class itself. This approach called for revolutionary democratic socialism and Marxism, emphasizing mass participation and democratic control over production. Revolutionary progressivism, another key aspect, rejected the notion of achieving progress within capitalism and instead promoted continuous revolutionary efforts to establish a classless society. The Spartacists, thus, saw the need to engage with existing mass movements while maintaining their radical revolutionary goals, creating a dynamic tension between engagement and the push for systemic overthrow, often putting them in direct conflict with the more conservative elements within the SPD.

Reformism/Revisionism

At its inception, the SPD adhered closely to Marxist principles, advocating for the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of socialism through proletarian struggle. This orthodox Marxist perspective dominated early party ideology, influenced by the writings of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, which predicted the inevitable collapse of capitalism due to its internal contradictions. However, within the SPD, a reformist or revisionist faction emerged, challenging these revolutionary ideals. Led by figures like Eduard Bernstein (1850-1932), the reformists argued for a pragmatic approach to achieving socialist goals. They critiqued orthodox Marxism's predictions of capitalist collapse, arguing instead for gradual reforms within the existing capitalist framework to improve the conditions of the working class. Bernstein's revisionism emphasized the importance of parliamentary politics, legal reforms, and social welfare legislation as means to advance socialist objectives peacefully.

The debate between reformists and orthodox Marxists within the SPD reflected broader shifts in socialist thought influenced by changing socio-economic conditions and the emergence of imperialism. The rise of imperialism and the expansion of capitalist economies globally presented challenges to traditional Marxist theories, leading some within the SPD to question whether capitalist development might alleviate or delay class conflict and revolution. Ultimately, the reformist faction's ascendancy within the SPD marked a significant evolution in socialist strategy. It departed from the revolutionary fervor of early Marxism, focusing instead on achieving incremental gains for the working class through democratic means and legal reforms.

Regional Tendencies

WIP

Behavior and Personality

Classical Social Democracy is very contrarian and hates anyone trying to undermine the working class but Classical Social Democracy is often rather confused as it doesn't have a central program, so in conflicts between its children it tries to mend relations as best as possible.

How to Draw

Symbols

Flag

Flag of Classical Social Democracy

Color Name		HEX	RGB
	Dark Red	#950000	149, 0, 0
	Coffee Gold	#DA8E43	218, 142, 67
	Gold	#FDBD59	253, 189, 89
	Beige	#FBFD82	251, 253, 130

The flag design of Classical Social Democracy is based on a old SPD banner and a simplified version of that banner. It has a dark red background, a coffee gold wreath, two golden hands shaking and a beige ribbon.

Props

Classical Social Democracy can often be seen holding old socialist flags when in action but when things are more calm it walks around with a wooden cane.

Drawing

1. Draw a ball,
2. Fill the ball in dark red,
3. Draw a coffee golden wreath
4. Draw a beige ribbon at the bottom of the wreath
5. Draw a pair of golden hands shaking in the center
6. Draw two eyes
7. And you're done

Color Name		HEX	RGB
	Dark Red	#950000	149, 0, 0
	Coffee Gold	#DA8E43	218, 142, 67
	Gold	#FDBD59	253, 189, 89
	Beige	#FBFD82	251, 253, 130

Relationships

Friends

• Abolitionism - Long live the Union!
• Council Communism - My a little too blanquist son, you should learn to reform some times.
• Leninism - One of my most loyal comrades, albeit too anarcho-syndicalistic and too much of a "Stirnerized Proudhonian".
• Radical Social Democracy - I am the only real social democrat! He's just a murderous fake.
• Left-Wing Populism - I used your tactics to gain power and bring Germany (and the world) to the brink of rebellion. It's such a shame to see modern SocDems abandon this potentially revolutionary power in favour of liberal democracy.

Frenemies

• Reformist Marxism - You may have been a revisionist and had turned me into what I am today, but we are all common brothers of the great Socialist tradition.
• Liberal Socialism - You are naïve and often counter-revolutionary but a People's Front is the best defence against fascism.
• Democratic Socialism - I am you but many of you are too liberal and utopian to be effective revolutionaries due to your blind acceptance of parliamentarian politics.
• Keynesian School - You could show me how to build socialism. But you're way too liberal and anti-revolutionary for my liking, Mr. Rosa-killer.

Enemies

• Theory of Social Contract - This theory is very lovely, it has only one error: it is absolutely false.
• Social Democracy - You betrayed everything you stood for and killed my beloved Luxemburg. I hate you with every fiber of my being. I hate you.
• Third Way - You're just worse than the guy above. Prepare for a bullet!
• Social Authoritarianism - Wow, I didn't know that anyone could manage to be worse than a killer or a neoliberal with welfare. You have stolen my theories and have managed to convince people that socialism is nothing more than the "government doing stuff".
• Bismarckism - Lassalle sold us out. He undermined the workers movement by working with you and taking the rightful institutions of the worker, making them mere institutions for the State. I hate you.
• Capitalism - Long live the international fraternization of peoples! Down with capitalism!

Gallery

Portraits

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Alternative designs

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  Spartacism

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  Ditto, bow

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  Flag of Spartacism

Further Information

Wikipedia

• Luxemburgism